scholarly journals THE MAIN DIRECTIONS OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND NATO IN THE 21st CENTURY

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 66-71
Author(s):  
Andrii Magomedov

The purpose of the article is to show the development process of Ukraine's relations with NATO in the economic sphere, to analyze the main directions and tasks of economic cooperation, to trace the dynamics of their development and dependence on the domestic political situation in Ukraine during recent decades. Methodology. The research is based on the analysis of official electronic sources and reports on the activities and cooperation of NATO countries with the Ukrainian side. The data from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, the Ministry of Energy of Ukraine and the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine were used. As a result of the research there can be traced a clear pattern of dependence of the implementation of the number of new programs on economic cooperation with the actual vector of foreign policy relations of the highest authorities of Ukraine. Although this vector has changed dramatically over the last twenty years since the election of the new president, the indicators of funding and implementation of the new cooperation programs demonstrate a positive dynamics in Ukraine-NATO relations, especially with the active support of our country’s political leadership. Practical implications. As Ukraine has chosen the European path of development, it is important to understand the patterns of economic cooperation both between the countries of the NATO bloc itself and between the Allies. The materials for the analysis of the results of cooperation can serve as a basis for further projects and the development of allied relations. Value/originality. The article opens opportunities for further research and comparison of economic cooperation programs of the other blocs with which Ukraine has cooperated for the last quarter of a century.

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Hugh D. Hudson

The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.


2018 ◽  
pp. 203-260
Author(s):  
Vineet Thakur

This chapter traces the post-apartheid transformation of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) in South Africa. It argues that in the first decade of transition, the Department remained preoccupied with the process of internal restructuring, which was successfully achieved. This caused structural pains as many of the old white diplomats left the service, robbing the Department of crucial expertise. In these years, the political leadership played a stronger role in the South African foreign policymaking. While Mandela’s foreign policy formulation was ad-hocist, Mbeki relied on institutional structures. However, rather than emphasizing on strengthening the DFA, he created new institutional structures under his integrated governance scheme which, ironically, further centralised foreign policymaking. Consequently, the DFA was further marginalized.


1974 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-668 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Sigler ◽  
Dennis Goresky

Primary attention has been paid in much of the writing on public attitudes on foreign affairs to opinions about official interstate relations and foreign policy. One of the merits of the transnational politics paradigm is that it calls attention to the possibility that intersocietal relations may condition or influence the climate as well as the agenda of interstate relations. For the public opinion analyst, the paradigm invites attention to the relative degree of importance assigned by publics to intersocietal as contrasted to interstate relations and how changes in attitudes toward one sector may influence the climate in which relations in the other sector are conducted.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
David González Cuenca ◽  
Emilmar Sulamit Rodríguez Caldera ◽  
Laura Jimena Buitrago Duarte

ABSTRACTThe stages in the formulation of Colombian foreign policy have traditionally been oriented towards the doctrine of Respice Polum; during the governments of President Santos has changed this sphere around new relations with similar states (Respice Simillia) with the foundation of ending the internal armed conflict. Consequently, the objective of this article is to retrospectively analyze colombian foreign affairs since 1990 and present a prospective foreign policy analysis for the 21st century. The methodological approach is of structural revision of primary sources and decoding of categories of analysis from the Theory of Social Representations.RESUMENLas etapas en la formulación de política exterior colombiana han estado orientadas tradicionalmente hacia la doctrina de Respice Polum; durante los gobiernos del presidente Santos ha cambiado esta esfera entorno a nuevas relaciones con estados similares (Respice Simillia) con el fundamento de poner fin al conflicto armado interno. En consecuencia, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar retrospectivamente los asuntos exteriores de Colombia desde 1990 y presentar un análisis prospectivo de política exterior para el siglo XXI. El enfoque metodológico es de revisión estructural de fuentes primarias y decodificación de categorías de análisis desde la Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Shahid Iqbal ◽  
Jan Alam ◽  
Muhammad Zia-ur Rehman

In this paper, we examine the neighborhood especially Indian strategies for the region. The political philosophies and regional strategies related to developing economies in the region need synergy and strategically positive and constructive in nature. Their philosophy to rule and their foreign policy is different from all the other leadership. Indian Current Ruling Party seems involved in different terrorist activities, such Gujarat attack on Muslims and the incident of the Samjhota express. Indian Current Ruling Partys begins wrongdoing on the innocent Kashmiri, its forces also use pellet guns on Kashmiri Muslims. Indian economic strategy is to invest on Chahbahar Port and wish to side stop the economic mega project of CPEC. Indian influence increased in Afghanistan against Pakistan with the boycott of SAARC conference scheduled in Pakistan. The international community has found that Indian current political leadership is as one of the most influential negative political personality among the world leaders.


Author(s):  
Dinh Le Hong Giang ◽  
◽  
Giang Thi Thom ◽  
Nguyen Thi Thao Anh ◽  
◽  
...  

In the article, the authors examine the concept of people-to-people diplomacy in the Vietnamese political lexicon and the mechanisms of its application in the practice of cooperation with Russia. The following conclusions are made: people-to-people diplomacy is an important tool for the implementation of modern foreign policy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The development of people-to-people relations can not only strengthen the social base for the Russian-Vietnamese comprehensive strategic partnership, but also improve the understanding of Russian society and Vietnamese diaspora in Vietnam's foreign affairs at the beginning of the XXI century.


Author(s):  
Justin O. Delacour

The external behaviors of the preeminent Western power are much more ambiguous than mainstream IR theories predict because none of the mainstream camps have an accurate conception of the relations between Western states and their cultures. On the one hand, neorealists fail to explain how the culture of a Western power will tend to discourage the state from behaving in ways that are openly dissonant with the core symbols of its professed liberalism. On the other hand, it is fairly commonplace for Western media to facilitate their states’ casual deviations from a liberal foreign policy course by obfuscating the existence of such deviations. To solve the puzzle of a Western power’s ambiguous foreign policies, we must explore the practical implications of co-constitution, according to which state interests and cultural identities mutually shape each other and can never be fully autonomous from each other. This study conducts such an exploration in the context of U.S. policy to Latin America, particularly around the failed coup in Venezuela in 2002.


Author(s):  
Karin Aggestam ◽  
Annika Bergman Rosamond ◽  
Elsa Hedling

AbstractThis article analyses how the launch of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy marked a change in Sweden’s digital diplomatic efforts. It draws on three strands of research: digital diplomacy, foreign policy analysis (FPA) and feminist scholarship. Informed by FPA, the article explores the relevance of political leadership, bureaucratic agency and political context as drivers of policy change, and, specifically, Sweden’s feminist digital diplomacy. The article provides an empirical case analysis of Sweden’s foreign policy change and conduct of digital diplomacy during the period 2006–2020. It draws on documents available on the official websites of the Government Offices of Sweden and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, including sites such as SwedenAbroad and Swedish Foreign Policy Stories. The article concludes that Sweden acted on a window of opportunity in global politics, which advanced a novel feminist digital diplomacy. Sweden’s competitive edge was based on a strong transformative political leadership in foreign policy, state feminism and an early engagement of digital diplomatic management of its state image online.


Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 109-126
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Mironowicz

The Role of Iran, Iraq and Syria in the Policy of the BelarusianRelations between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria after 1998 took on the nature of political alliance. The factor connecting Belarus with these countries was their isolation by the West because of the policy of internal or foreign. Sanctions or restrictions imposed on these countries on the initiative or with the participation of the United States created an additional platform for Minsk agreements with Tehran, Baghdad and Damascus. Anti‑Americanism four countries has become a common feature of their foreign policy and defense cooperation. Closeness of political relations was accompanied by a desire to establish a broad economic cooperation between the four countries. At the beginning of 21st century it grew by leaps and bounds each year, the volume of trade between Belarus and Iran, Iraq and Syria. Level exchanges with Iran and Syria, however, quickly reached a level corresponding to the potential capabilities of the parties and far removed from the expectations of leaders. Any dealings with Iraq were interrupted as a result of the occupation of that country by the United States and the coalition.


Author(s):  
Cennet Göloğlu Demir

This chapter develops an accurate understanding for project-based learning approach by examining the definitions, theoretical foundations, and historical process of the approach. It also aimed to, within the framework of this understanding, present the implementation stages and effectiveness of the approach as well as its interaction with the other methods in recent years. In this context, first, different definitions of project-based learning were examined, and then how it evolved into an approach from a concept in its historical development process was addressed. Implementation stages of project-based learning were reported as presented by different researchers. The standards set out due to the diversity experienced in implementation were associated with these steps.


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