scholarly journals Gelap-Terang Panca Sila: Otokritik Atas Teks Sejarah Yang Melenceng

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 393
Author(s):  
Susanto Polamolo
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Heuristic Methods ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Education ◽  
The Government

Indonesia pernah melalui masa sulit di rezim Orde Baru. Kala itu, segala sesuatu yang paralel dengan khususnya sejarah seputar perumusan dasar negara (Panca Sila), menjadi begitu sulit untuk diperoleh, apalagi untuk mengemukakan fakta yang sebenarnya. Penelusuran dokumen-dokumen sejarah begitu minim didukung pemerintah, dokumen-dokumen itupun tercecer di mana-mana, publik hanya diedukasi dengan pendidikan sejarah dari para sejarawan versi pemerintah saja. Bukan karena Orde Baru telah menjadi masa lalu, tetapi, karena apa yang disebut sebagai sumber-sumber primer perlu diperiksa kembali. Di antaranya seperti: Naskah UUD 1945, yang disusun M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI yang disusun oleh Sekretariat Negara; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, yang disusun oleh Nugroho Notosusanto (dkk); Piagam Jakarta, yang disusun oleh Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, yang disusun oleh Pranarka. Sumber-sumber ini diam-diam diterima, dan diam-diam pula diakui bermasalah, atau diragukan keotentikannya. Persoalan tersebut semakin diperjelas dengan temuan sejumlah arsip oleh para sejarawan tata negara seperti A.B. Kusuma, di mana sebelumnya, “Panitia Lima” (1975) telah pula menegaskan bahwa sumber-sumber yang dipakai pemerintah tidak valid, di antaranya adalah naskah yang disusun M. Yamin. Maka, sejarah perumusan Panca Sila kadang berada di jalan bersimpang, simpang batas-tegas pertentangan tentang keotentikan sumber sejarah, menjadi tugas utama agar sumber-sumber tersebut diuji satu dengan lainnya (metode heuristik dan konklusi eksplanatoris). Agar mengerucut satu kesimpulan yang utuh dan sistematis mengenai sejarah perumusan dasar negara dan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dikemukakan di dalamnya menjadi satu kesatuan pemahaman atas kenyataan, dan agar menguatkan sendi-sendi konstitusionalitas kita hari ini yang mulai tercerabut dari akar sejarahnya, bagaikan “inang yang dipaksa berpisah dari induknya”.Indonesia had been through a difficult period in the “Orde Baru” regime. At that time, everything parallel with history especially around the basic principle of the state (Panca Sila) became so difficult to obtain, especially to express the facts. The tracking of historical documents was so poorly endorsed by the government. The documents were scattered everywhere. The public was only educated with historical education from only government version historians. Not because the “Orde Baru” has become the past, but, because the so-called primary sources need to be checked again. Among them are: Naskah UUD 1945, compiled by M. Yamin; Risalah Sidang BPUPKI-PPKI, prepared by State Secretariat; Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid VI, compiled by Nugroho Notosusanto (et.al); Piagam Jakarta, prepared by Endang Saifuddin Anshari; Sejarah Pemikiran Tentang Panca Sila, prepared by Pranarka. The above sources are secretly accepted, and secretly admittedly problematic, or are doubted the authenticity. The issue was further clarified by the findings of archives by state historians such as A.B. Kusuma, in which before, the “Panitia Lima” (1975) had also asserted that the sources used by the government were invalid, one of them was the text compiled by M. Yamin. Thus, the history of Panca Sila sometimes in a stray way of disputes about the historical sources authenticity. That became the primary task for which resources were tested against each other (heuristic methods and explanatory conclusions). In order to conceal a whole and systematic conclusion about the history of the basic formulation of the state and the ideas expressed in it become a unity of understanding of reality, in order to strengthen the joints of our constitutionality today which begins to be uprooted from its historical roots, like “a host which is forced to apart from its main”.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

The Oxford Handbook of Music Listening in the 19th and 20th Centuries

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Public Realm ◽  
Music Listening ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Musical Cultures ◽  
History Of

This handbook takes on the task of examining the history of music listening over the past two hundred years. It uses the “art of listening” as a leitmotif encompassing an entanglement of interdependent practices and discourses about a learnable mode of perception. The art of listening first emerged around 1800 and was adopted and adapted across the public realm to suit a wide range of collective listening situations from popular to serious art forms up to the present day. Because this is a relatively new subject in historical research, the volume combines case studies from several disciplines in order to investigate whether, how, and why practices of music listening changed. Focusing on a diverse set of locations and actors and using a range of historical sources, it attempts to historicize and reconstruct the evolution of listening styles to show the wealth of variants in listening. In doing so, it challenges the inherited image of the silent listener as the dominant force in musical cultures.

The Politics of Archives in Uganda

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek R. Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Historical Knowledge ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Slow Decay ◽  
Paper Record ◽  
History Of ◽  
Public Record ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Secrets ◽  
History Of Control

Since the beginning of the 21st century, archivists in Uganda have been pursuing a number of projects to make previously inaccessible archival collections available for research. All of this work of archival rehabilitation makes it hard to see the longer history of control and curatorship in the management of Uganda’s public record. Uganda’s archives have, over the course of decades, been rearranged and pruned in response to changing political and intellectual demands. In the 1950s and 1960s British and Ugandan officials sought to shield the paper record from examination. This regime of access control deprived campaigners of inspiration and evidence. During the 1970s, with the ascendancy of Idi Amin’s government, archives were rendered into a national patrimony. Civil servants hastened to ensure that the record of their accomplishments was stored in safe custody. Since the late 1980s the government of Yoweri Museveni has disinvested the state from the legacies of the past. For the Museveni government the slow decay of the public record has allowed the foreclosing of divisive debates about history. Uganda’s political history has been episodic and interrupted, and every new regime has had to struggle anew to author a narrative about national self-becoming. That is why Uganda’s governments have taken such dramatically different positions on the management of historical knowledge. Opening or withholding archival materials is a way of editing the public record. It makes some kinds of information state secrets and renders other aspects of the past into a legacy, a source of inspiration and orientation.

Kingship and Ancestral Cult in the Northwest Palace at Nimrud

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Brown
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of

AbstractBuilt in the early 9th century BCE, the Northwest Palace at Nimrud presented a new “imperial” architecture and iconography that was related to Assyrian expansionism at this time. Yet it also contained specific points of contact with the past via the royal Assyrian ancestors. A monument in the throneroom, the “center” of the state, provided the “public” view of this ideology, while one of the palace’s more secluded wings was devoted to the performance of ancestral cult. Through these and other means, rapid and fundamental socio-political change was accompanied by the idea of a logical and direct continuity with the history of Assyria.

scholarly journals One hundred years in the networks of bureaucracy. Review of the book by V. V. Ogryzko “Pod nadzorom Kremlya: izryadno potrepannaya, no utselevshaya Akademiya nauk” [Under the supervision of the Kremlin: a fairly battered, but survived Academy of Sciences]

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 242-247
Author(s):  
Sergey Egerev
Keyword(s):  
Goal Setting ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
The State ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
The Past ◽  
Russian Academy Of Sciences ◽  
Special Services ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Academy Of Sciences

An excursion through the pages of the book by V. V. Ogryzko “Under the supervision of the Kremlin: a fairly battered, but survived Academy of Sciences” is given. The history of uneasy relations between the government and the Academy of Sciences can be traced from the first post-revolutionary years to the present day. The mostly detailed description relates to the efforts of the Soviet government to tame (“to Sovietize”) the Russian Academy of Sciences in the first post-revolutionary years. In his research, based on unique archival sources, the author operates with a large number of sources and a large number of activehistorical figures, from academics to employees of special services. It is noted that over the past hundred years, not only the Academy has changed, the methods of state influence on the academic community have changed, and the goal setting of the state has also changed. In the first decades, the Soviet government was faced with the task of introducing as many loyal communists as possible into the academic community, and after the collapse of the USSR, the task of “depriving” the Academy from material assets became firmly on the agenda. The author of the book – V. V. Ogryzko – comes to the conclusion that many discoveries andachievements of our scientists were made not thanks to the support of the state, but rather in spite of it.

The Bureaucratization of Islam in Azerbaijan: State as the Principal Regulator and Interpreter of Religion

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
Kamal Gasimov
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Public Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Freedom Of Belief ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
State Employees ◽  
Religious Landscape ◽  
Traditional Islam

This article examines the politics of bureaucratization of Islam that the Azerbaijani government initially implemented in the mid-2000s and which has intensified after 2011. First, the state superimposed its bureaucratic categories on the Muslim communities of the country. Then, it proceeded to transform local religious figures into state employees. Yet, at the same time, the government insists that it does not interfere into theological issues and that all of its bureaucratic initiatives are aimed at ensuring freedom of belief and protecting the public order. However, with time, the process of bureaucratization has shifted from regulation to a direct administrative and ideological intervention into the religious space aimed at creating a state-imagined “orthodoxy” designated as traditional Islam. This article draws on previously untapped primary sources to discuss the different ideological and political aspects of this bureaucratically initiated tradition and its pervasive and transformative influence on the local religious landscape.

scholarly journals Making a New Aristocracy: The Antiqui Mores at the Service of Augustan Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Rohr Vio
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Res Publica

In his reorganization of the State, Augustus restored the patrimony of values on which the senatorial aristocracy had founded its power in the res publica and he especially ensured the family’s central role. For this purpose he identified behavior exempla in the past of Rome and in his own domus and promoted a series of laws to regulate the public and private life of citizens. His aim was to affect morality and birthrate, but also to create a new ruling class: the homines novi would integrate with the ancient aristocracy through marriages and common descendants and this new senatorial class would operate according to the guidelines that had guided the leaders of the history of Rome.

scholarly journals The Enigma of Hallaj

1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-95
Author(s):  
Suroosh Irfani
Keyword(s):  
Human Memory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Boston University ◽  
Tigris River ◽  
Public Execution ◽  
History Of ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
Hands And Feet

One of the most forbidding images in the history of Islamic spiritualityis the public execution of the great Muslim mystic Husayn bin MansurHallaj in 922. The punishment followed a long and well-publicized trialin which Hallaj was accused of sorcery and of attempting to overthrowthe Islamic Shari‘ah. The sentence against Hallaj was singularly harsh.He was publicly flogged five hundred lashes, stoned by believers in thecity square, and then raised on a cross where he was left bleeding for thenight, his hands and feet having been amputated. The following morninghe was beheaded, his trunk doused with fuel and set on fire and his ashesscattered in the Tigris River. His head was displayed in towns and districtsas a warning to opponents of the State. Such shocking measuresensured that the execution and the circumstances that precipitated itwould remain etched in human memory over the centuries throughaccounts of biographers, mystics, and historians. Herbert Mason’s Al-Hulluj is the latest addition to this vibrant trajectory.A professor of history and religion at Boston University, Mason hasbeen conducting research on Hallaj for the past thirty years, a devotionhe might have inherited from his former teacher Louis Massignon, theFrench scholar who started work on Hallaj’s thoughts and ideas in 1907,culminating in four volumes posthumously published in 1975 as Lapssiond’ul-Hulluj. Mason translated this monumental work from Frenchinto English. His new book, a slim volume on perhaps the most celebratedand reviled mystic of all times, brims with power and insightperhapsas much for the author’s empathy for the “martyr of Love” as anattempt for mediating on the event’s inner meaning.The story of Hallaj, Mason notes, “is one of unhinging humanself-assurance and spiritual selflessness. It remains an awesome mysteryand guide across the ages for those who would pursue the truth of our ...

scholarly journals Hungarian Civil Procedure Provisions during the state of danger

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
László Pribula
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources Management ◽  
Civil Procedure ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Institution ◽  
The Public ◽  
Procedure Code ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Court Proceeding

In March 2020, the Hungarian civil procedure faced an extraordinary challenge by the unpredictable but widely threatening Covid-19 epidemic, which necessitated the introduction of provisions as effective as possible to protect public health. The task was challenging because the public does not only expect the courts to settle the legal disputes righteously, but, based on a century-long development in the history of law, the requirement of verbal and direct hearings has become of accentuated importance. The traditional model of civil cases centres around the public institution of hearings with the simultaneous presence of the judge, the parties, and their representatives, as well as other actors in the case. Simultaneously, the legislator accentuated the importance of concentrated and rapid case management, especially in the past few years. The extraordinary situation caused by the epidemic might have raised the complete close-down of courts. But, as there is no court proceeding without hearings, this solution could not have been acceptable by either the parties seeking to assert their rights or by court employees for reasons of human resources management, as the judgements of legal disputes would have been postponed for an undefined period. The interests of both the citizens seeking justice and the court employees could be fulfilled by a solution that created the conditions of uninterrupted jurisdiction and the avoidance of personal contacts to protect their health. After a necessary period of preparation resulting from the unexpected situation, this extremely difficult issue was solved by the Government Decree 74/2020 (from 31 of March), officially abbreviated as Veir., which did not abrogatethe generally effectual procedure rules, but merely adjusted them to the specificities of the crisis situation. The same happened to the civil procedure too. During the period of the state of danger, in contentious (and noncontentious) cases, depending on the date of bringing of the action, the regulations of either Act III of 1952 (the 1952 Civil Procedure Code, henceforth 1952 Pp.), in force until the 31 of December 2017, or Act CXXX of 2016 (the current Civil Procedure Code, hereafter Pp.), in power from the 1 of January 2018, were applicable, with the amendments included in the government decrees. This different regulation formed the special state of danger procedure law to mitigate the consequences of the epidemic.

The Bazaar, the State, and the Struggle for Public Opinion in Nineteenth-Century Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-633
Author(s):  
ALI KARIMI
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Central Place ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Information Conflict ◽  
Source Of Information

AbstractPublic opinion is formed by the information that the public consumes. The state, whether democratic or authoritarian, employs various media of communication to influence people's opinions and behaviours. In the nineteenth century, Afghan rulers would traditionally use force and religion to gain popular support and strengthen their authority. In the second half of the century, they started to use print technology to build their relationships with the public. The state's print, however, had to compete with the institution of the bazaar that had long served as the central place where information circulated in public. This article, drawing mostly on unexamined Afghan sources, offers an account of how the bazaar operated as a source of information and how the Afghan state tried to suppress it. The history of this information conflict uncovers new aspects in the troublesome relationship between the government and the governed in Afghanistan.

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