scholarly journals DEGENERATING DISCURSIVE ATTEMPTS IN THE BALKANS TO ALTER THE LEGAL DEFINITION AND CONTENT OF THE CONCEPT OF GENOCIDE

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun

Raphael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer of Jewish ancestry, coined the term of genocide in 1944. The period in which Lemkin coined the term coincides with the Second World War. He started to write his most significant work, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, in 1942. He formulated his work in Nazi Germany's and other Axis Power's occupation policy especially in Poland and the Soviet Union. Lemkin's central insight was to deduce from these occupation regulations that the Germans intended to reorganize Europe along racial lines, which would entail mass murder and the suppression of other cultures. Lemkin modified his initial proposals on genocide formulated in the Axis Rule in Occupied Europe and advocated that the newly formed United Nations should sponsor a treaty to prevent genocide and use its machinery to enforce it. On December 11, 1946, one year after the final armistice, the UN General Assembly unanimously passed a resolution which stressed that "The punishment of the crime of genocide is a matter of international concern."In the ensuing period, The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention) was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 9 December 1948. According to the Genocide Convention, genocide is a crime that can take place both in times of war and in the time of peace. The concept of genocide, which Lemkin brought to the agenda and tried to make it an international crime, was fully established on a legal basis by adopting the legally binding Genocide Convention. The Genocide Convention should not be eroded, and the term genocide, which has a strict legal definition, should not be used randomly. Recently statements were made that will erode the genocide convention, especially in the Balkans. Statements by the President of Croatia, Zoran Milanovic, downplaying the Srebrenica Genocide are example. Speaking to the press in the city of Komija on the Croatian island of Vis, Milanovic, answering a question on whether he considered Srebrenica a genocide, recently said the following: "I say yes, but then for some more serious crimes, we have to invent another name. I respect other people's sacrifices, but not everything is the same. If everything is genocide, we will have to find another name for what the Nazis and the German machinery did to the Jews in the Second World War. It is the Holocaust, but it is also genocide. Not every victim is the same, it is relativization.'' Considering that certain EU countries have been recently bringing up revisionist views and suggestions regarding the Balkans, we cannot ignore the possibility that Milanovic will jump on the bandwagon of producing "brilliant" ideas. In this context, it suffices to recall the Slovenian Prime Minister's plan (as the Slovenian EU presidency) to dismember Bosnia and Herzegovina, reorganize the borders of Croatia, Serbia, Albania, and Kosovo..The statements of Milanovic in this respect are also noteworthy in that they seriously question the current legal basis and framework of the crime of genocide.These statements will inevitably have repercussions both in the Balkans and internationally. It should be noted that any misuse of the term genocide based on shallow political interests will constitute an utter disservice to the fundamental principles of maintaining international peace, security, and stability as enshrined in the UN Charter. In terms of the Balkans, as mentioned above, it is noteworthy that revisionist discourses have recently come from countries such as Slovenia and Croatia, which are both NATO and EU members. It is disappointing that these countries, instead of playing a role that strengthens security and stability in the Balkans, play a role that disrupts security and stability. Member states of these influential international and supranational organizations are naturally expected to be much more careful in ensuring and maintaining security and stability in the Balkans. If there is a danger of fire in an area, instead of throwing flammable materials into the area, it is necessary to try to prevent the fire hazard. As AVİM, we hope that rhetoric and policies to the contrary will not be accepted in both NATO and the EU.

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roel van Rossum

During the Second World War, the government of the Netherlands realized that it had no adequate penalization system in place for wartime offences. Thus, the Criminal Law Wartime Occupation Decree of 22 December 1943 (BBS, Stb. D 61) was enacted to penalize offences committed during wartime. This emergency legislation was recognized as legally valid after the war. It then took until the Wartime Offences Act of 10 July 1952 (effective date 5 August 1952, the “WOS”) for wartime offences to be subjected to specific penalties. This was followed by separate statutes penalizing genocide (Genocide Convention Implementation Act of 2 July 1964, effective date 24 October 1970) and torture (Torture Convention Implementation Act of 29 September 1988, effective date 20 January 1989).


Author(s):  
Ditte Marie Munch Hansen

In Negative Dialektik, Theodor W. Adorno claimed that after the Second World War a new categorical imperative was imposed on mankind: namely, to prevent Auschwitz – or something similar – from happening again. Today – 60 years after the United Nations Genocide Convention came into effect – it is difficult to remain optimistic about the preventive character of Adorno’s “Never Again!” imperative. In spite of its existence, the second half of the 20th Century was filled with ethnic violence andgenocide. This article undertakes a philosophical analysis of the “Never Again!” refrain and questions whether this new imperative is as preventive as we assume. The analysis looks at how Serbian nationalism used (and misused) history and expressions as “Never again!”. This example shows us that the impulse of moral abhorrence in “Never again!” does not necessarily lead to preventing atrocity, but can be an incitement to initiate new ones.


Author(s):  
Михаил Елизаров

Born out of the ashes of the Second World War, the United Nations has made a major contribution to maintain international peace and security. Based on common goals, shared burdens and expenses, responsibility and accountability, the UN helped to reduce the risk of a repetition of a Word War, to reduce hunger and poverty, and promote human rights. But today, the legitimacy and credibility of the UN have been seriously undermined by the desire of some countries to act alone, abandoning multilateralism. So, do we need the UN today?


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (S349) ◽  
pp. 248-255
Author(s):  
V. Zanini ◽  
M. Gargano ◽  
A. Gasperini

AbstractEven though Italy officially joined the IAU in 1921, Italian astronomers were involved in its birth as early as 1919, when Annibale Riccò, Director of the Astrophysical Observatory of Catania, proposed to the IAU Committee to hold its first General Assembly in Rome. This contribution will analyze the role played by Italian astronomers in the development of the IAU from its foundation to the Second World War. The recent project of reordering of the astronomical historical archives in Italy permits for the first time a more in-depth study of the relations between Italian astronomers and the international scientific community.


Author(s):  
Andrew Clapham

The content of human rights is usually understood by reference to the legal catalogue of human rights we find developed through international texts. ‘Historical development and contemporary concerns’ examines the key text for human rights today—The Universal Declaration of Human Rights—adopted in 1948 by the UN General Assembly. Since that time many treaties and intergovernmental Declarations have supplemented this proclamation of rights. The treaties are best viewed as providing a framework against which we can legitimately judge the performance of governments. How did this human rights catalogue come about? What roles did the League of Nations and Second World War play?


1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-345
Author(s):  
Leon Gordenker

In divided Korea before the hostilities of June 1950, the thirty-eighth parallel marked a break in communications almost as sharp as the political separation. No direct diplomatic channels have existed between north and south since the second World War.


1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (157) ◽  
pp. 179-188

From September 1973 to March 1974, more than 250,000 persons have been moved from one side of the Asian sub-continent to the other in a vast operation involving the extensive co-operation of the ICRC. It was possible for this repatriation operation to be carried out only through the positive stand adopted by the three countries concerned and the co-operation shown by Switzerland, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the ICRC. Since the end of the Second World War, this is the most extensive repatriation operation undertaken by the ICRC, and its sheer size compels us to give in the pages that follow a summarized account of what has been accomplished. The relief efforts, though of considerable magnitude, undertaken by the ICRC since 1971 in support of prisoners, internees and civilians in the Asian sub-continent, will not be touched upon here, as they have been mentioned on several occasions in past issues of the International Review.


Prawo ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 321 ◽  
pp. 267-296
Author(s):  
Marta Jankowska

Administrative-legal aspects of changes of repeated street names in Wrocław after the Second World WarThe author of the article discusses the problem of changes in streets names in Wrocław introduced as aresult of the territorial growth of the city after the Second World War. On each occasion the expansion of the territory of the city following the incorporation of successive neighbourhoods brought with it the need to solve the problem of two, often three or even four streets or squares with the same name in the city. The author has established the legitimacy and the legal basis of the changes. She presents the names themselves in an analytical manner, verifying each changed street name in terms of its linguistic or substantive correctness. In addition, she discusses the legislative path and the legal procedure applied in the introduction of the changes. She also points to the placement of names in the historical and political context, examines their social background and attempts to assess the validity of this type of changes, comparing them with solutions adopted in other countries of Europe.Verwaltungsrechtliche Aspekte der Änderungen der sich wiederholenden Straßennamen in Breslau nach dem Zweiten WeltkriegIn diesem Artikel wurde die Problematik der Änderungen der Straßennamen in Breslau, die wegen der territorialen Entwicklung der Stadt nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg durchgeführt wurden, besprochen. Es wurde festgestellt, dass die sukzessive Erweiterung des Stadtbereiches infolge der Angliederung weiterer Siedlungen immer wieder die Notwendigkeit hervorrief, mit den zweifach, mehrmals dreifach und vierfach auftretenden gleichen Bezeichnung von Straßen oder Plätzen zurechtzukommen. Es wurden die Legitimation und die rechtlichen Grundlagen der durchgeführten Änderungen festgestellt. Die Namensgebung wurde analytisch vorgestellt, jeder geänderte Straßenname wurde hinsichtlich seiner sprachlichen und sachlichen Richtigkeit verifiziert. Besprochen wurde auch das Gesetzgebungsverfahren und die gesetzgebende Technik der durchgeführten Änderungen. Schließlich wurde der historische, politische und soziale Hintergrund der Änderungen gezeigt sowie die Grundsätzlichkeit derartiger Änderungen bewertet, die in anderen Ländern Europas vorgenommenen Lösungen danebenhaltend.


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