Moral Education

Author(s):  
Craig Smith

This chapter explores how Ferguson used the moral philosophy of chapter 3, based on the moral science of chapter 2, to create a system of education for the rising Scottish middle class. It examines his notion of active pedagogy and his use of stoic and Christian ideas to create a cadre of well-educated and sensible gentlemen who would form the backbone of the British state. The chapter examines Ferguson as a theorist of the modern gentleman rather than the ancient citizen and suggests that he saw institutions as shaped by their personnel. This leads to an account that favours political stability and gradual reform. Ferguson is seen as forward looking educator rather than backward looking nostalgic for Roman citizenship.

1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Gonçalves Gondra

Abstract In this article, I explore part of Silva Lisboa’s production, where he reinforces state religion and the articulation between science and revelation, a condition to reach a “higher stage”, whose best example could be seen in Great Britain. In my view, with the Constitution of the Brazilian Empire, it was necessary to outline the grounds for a straight conduct, thus associating moral science and theology as a strategy to fight the catechisms of libertinism.


1979 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 518-538
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Grieco

Britain's experience with the Concorde Project was characterized by changes in the objectives of governmental policy for which the Concorde was to be an instrument. Early in the project, the British state used the Concorde to rationalize Britain's aircraft industry and to enter the E.E.C. Later, the international objective became less salient; the domestic objective, instead of encouragement of efficiency, became maintenance of the industry's employment levels in order to promote political stability. The shift in the purposes of policy can be linked to changes in the power relations beween Britain's society and state. The changes in power relations raise issues about recent characterizations of the British polity and other advanced industrialized societies.


Author(s):  
Craig Smith

The final chapter turns to Adam Ferguson’s preoccupation with warfare and citizen militias. It argues that Ferguson saw war as a human universal and a key feature of politics. The chapter covers Ferguson’s account of the rise of nations and of the superiority of modern rule-governed warfare over that of the ancient world. It links this to his view that we can pass moral judgements on the ‘spirit’ of nations. Judging nations through moral science and in line with the values developed in moral philosophy helps us to understand the benefits of commercial society and the potential dangers to which it is subject.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Kristian Høyer TOFT

AbstractTo explore the emerging and contested issue of business and human rights in the area of climate change, this article provides a critical discussion from the viewpoint of moral philosophy. A novel typology of businesses’ human rights duties (‘duty’ is considered synonymous with ‘responsibility’ here) is proposed. It claims that duties are both forward- and backward-looking. Cases of human rights litigation seeking remedy for climate-related harms are backward-looking, and duties should be determined on the basis of proportion of historical emissions, culpable knowledge and counter-acts to abate climate harms. Businesses’ forward-looking duties, however, depend on their power, privilege, interest and collective abilities. The typology is then assessed against the background of recent legal principles and instruments. It is concluded that moral duties of business reach beyond mere respect for human rights and national jurisdictions in the context of climate change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis vanden Auweele

AbstractWhile scholars are slowly coming to realize that Kant’s moral philosophy has a distinctive theory of moral education, the import of religion in such education is generally neglected or even denied. This essay argues that Kant’s reflections on religion in parts II and III of Religion within the Boundaries of Mere Reason interpret religion specifically as one aspect of moral education, namely moral ascetics. After first clearly distinguishing between a cognitive and a conative aspect of moral education, I show how certain historical religious practices serve to provide the conative aspect of moral education. Kant defines this aspect of moral education as practices that render the human agent ‘valiant and cheerful in fulfilling his duties’ (MS, 6: 484). By this it is meant that certain practices can inspire moral interests either by justifying rational hope in living up to a certain standard of moral perfection (Christology) or by endeavouring to unite human beings in a universal, invisible ethical community that inspires cooperation rather than adversity (ecclesiology).


Asian Survey ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-193
Author(s):  
Siow Yue Chia

Singapore entered 2016 with post–Lee Kuan Yew era political stability but buffeted by external headwinds that severely dampened its economic growth performance. Ever forward-looking, the island nation planned for its future political succession and its economic future to take advantage of opportunities that will emerge with the new world and regional economic order.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 77-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frédéric Vandenberghe

The philosophical assumptions that organize moral sociology as practical philosophy are the outcome of a secular quest to investigate the principles, norms and values behind the constitution of society. As a protracted response to the whole utilitarian-atomistic-individualistic tradition that systematically deemphasizes the constitutive role that morality plays in the structuration of self and society, the sociological tradition has continued, by its own means, the tradition of moral and practical philosophy in theoretically informed empirical research of social practices. Going back to classic moral philosophy, I want to show in this article how social theory is involved in the quest for ‘the good life with and for the others in just institutions’ (Ricoeur).


Author(s):  
Dominique Darbon

The African middle class (AMC) is an elusive category with high political significance. In spite of its vagueness and its controversial nature, this so-called social category is consistently used by a number of individual actors and institutions alike, including IO, NGOs, business interests, and political leaders in Africa for political purposes. The words “African middle class” are suggestive enough to produce new images of African social structures and turn the “hopeless continent” into a “miracle,” a new “powerhouse.” They are strong enough to grant new legitimacy to failing political leaders and the well off and to let people and academics alike anticipate the rise of democratic, stable, uncorrupted institutions. However, people “of the middle of the diamond” in Africa do not exist as a social community or a class. They do not share a common political identity. They have no political role of their own. The diversity of social subgroups may occasionally mobilize together, but for a short period of time and on highly different grounds. The political role of the AMC is as elusive as their mere existence. New social groups of limited prosperity are on the rise. However, they are far from making a class and mobilizing for political purposes. The rise of middle classes in emerging countries became a research theme at the beginning of the 2000s. The discussion took root in sub-Saharan African countries in the 2010s without any in-depth debate about its relevance. It was as if the AMC or classes already existed before the examination of a still very confused and heterogeneous set of transformations of the social structure of African societies was conducted. As a result, the AMC concept appears in almost all analyses as elastic, elusive, cobbled together, and uncertain as to its boundaries, its characteristics, its components, or its homogeneity. This confusion does not prevent authors from anticipating the meaning and effects of the AMC for political stability and democratization. Before studying how the people grouped behind this label can affect and be affected by politics and policies, it is necessary to understand how politically loaded this middle-class label is.


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