Analisis Strategi Perlawanan Indonesia Dalam Diskriminasi Kelapa Sawit Oleh Uni Eropa

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
M Fuadillah Nugraha

This study aims to determine how Indonesia's resistance strategy in oil palm discrimination by the European Union. Researchers use the perspective of liberalism and idealism, and the basic assumptions are peace and war avoidance. The results show that EU discrimination against Indonesian CPO products requires players in the palm oil industry and the Indonesian government to work together to design and develop intensive diplomatic efforts aimed at the EU government and its people. The Indonesian government's efforts to oppose the EU's incentives for the use of palm oil are 1) filing claims and challenges against the EU incentives to reject palm oil restrictions, 2) The Indonesian government emphasizes the importance of distributing Indonesian palm oil globally 3) Lobbying the leadership of the APEC organization to ensure the safety of Indonesia's palm oil industry 4) Undertake Join Capaign efforts by the world's largest palm oil producer to protect the stability of palm oil shipments and take action against negative campaigns against palm oil, and unite voices in drafting an agreement to jointly support industrial development palm oil to be more resilient against the global backlash on palm oil.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Bustanul Arifin ◽  
Komang Audina Permana Putri

Indonesia is the largest producer of palm oil in the world. With Malaysia, palm oil production could account for about eighty percent of global production. Meanwhile, Europe is the country with the third largest CPO export destination for Indonesia after India and China. However, the EU proposed a European Union resolution initiative on palm oil and deforestation of rainforest, which finally passed with the major votes from EU members of Parliament in April 2017. The key point on EU resolution reveals that EU will ban palm oil use for biofuels production by 2020. The purpose of this research is to analyze the Indonesian government’s diplomatic efforts to respond and negotiate with EU regarding the issue. It is also considered important to prevent the global downturn on palm oil products. To analyze the diplomacy effort, the researcher will use qualitative methods presented through data collection from sources such as books, journals, press releases and official reports from institutions in this case the European Union. To support the research, the researcher also uses primary data through the interview with one of the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia for diplomatic actions conducted by Indonesian government. This research finds that the government of Indonesian finally combined several soft diplomatic strategies to face EU both directly and indirectly.Keywords: Strategies, Government of Indonesia, Trade, Palm Oil, EU Resolution, Deforestation


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Bondan Widyatmoko

The Renewable Energy Directive (RED) is a vehicle for environmental NGOs concerned about biodiversity destruction in Indonesia, for European biodiesel producers to admit new competitors, and for European Union (EU) interests to build a secure and sustainable economy for their region. In other words, it is a manifestation of the di?erent interests of many agencies that share grace and favour over palm oil development in the EU. By observing the RED as the vehicle and the EU system of governance as its course, this paper records the interactions between those agencies in shaping the policy. The observations allow for agencies contributions to the images of palm oil. It depicts that biodiversity destruction is the basis for the sustainability criteria in the RED but it was not the only cause of the slowing down in the pace of the Indonesian palm oil market penetration in the region. To some extent, the RED is considered a trade barrier for Indonesian palm oil. However, the RED is an incentive to strengthen the image of the palm oil industry in a more constructive way and ensure the longevity of the industry.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.


Author(s):  
Dmitrii О. Mikhalev ◽  
◽  
Egor’ A. Sergeev ◽  

The article presents a retrospective analysis of relations between the government of Italy and the European Union institutions in the context of supranational fiscal regulation in 2002–2019. The authors analyze the influence of external and internal factors on the state of public finance in Italy, note the reasons that made it difficult to meet the requirements of the Stability and Growth Pact, study the main issues on the agenda in the EU-Italy relations and their evolution. The authors also come to conclusion that unlike the earlier discussions about correcting budget deficit in Italy, current focus of supranational fiscal governance is shifted to preventing it, what challenges the economic sovereignty of Italy and country’s opportunities to conduct a discretionary fiscal policy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (14) ◽  
pp. 145-157
Author(s):  
Virág Blazsek

The bank bailouts following the global financial crisis of 2008 have been subject to prior approval of the European Commission (EC), the competition authority of the European Union. The EC was reluctant to reject rescue efforts directed at failing banks and so it consistently approved all such requests submitted by Member States. Out of the top twenty European banks, the EC authorized State aid to at least twelve entities. In this context, the paper outlines the gradually changing interpretation of EU State aid rules, the “temporary and extraordinary rules” introduced starting from late 2008, and the extension of the “no-State aid” category. The above shifts show that the EC itself deflected from relevant EU laws in order to systemically rescue important banks in Europe and restore their financial stability. The paper argues that bank bailouts and bank rescue packages by the State have led to different effects on market structures and consumer welfare in the Eurozone and non-Eurozone areas, mostly the Eastern segments of the European Union. As such, it is argued that they are inconsistent with the European common market. Although the EC tried to minimize the distortion of competition created as a result of the aforementioned case law primarily through the application of the principle of exceptionality and different compensation measures, these efforts have been at least partially unsuccessful. Massive State aid packages, the preferential treatment of the largest, or systemically important, banks through EU State aid mechanisms – almost none of which are Central and Eastern European (CEE) – may have led to the distortion of competition on the common market. That is so mainly because of the prioritization of the stability of the financial sector and the Euro. The paper argues that State aid for failing banks may have had important positive effects in the short run, such as the promotion of the stability of the banking system and the Euro. In the longrun however, it has contributed to the unprecedented sovereign indebtedness in Europe, and contributed to an increased economic and political instability of the EU, particularly in its most vulnerable CEE segment.


Author(s):  
F. Basov

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.


2020 ◽  
pp. 96-107

In the 2012-2015 period, $1 billion have been stolen from three Moldovan banks, which is the equivalent of 12% of the country’s GDP. The highly fraudulent environment in the RM allowed for the successful application of fraudulent schemes for three years, without it being seized and frozen. This paper seeks to decipher the schemes that were applied as well as argue how the integration into the European Union would have lowered the corruption and thereby prevent the fraud from happening. Even though several scholars discussed the bank fraud and how it affected the relationship between Moldova and the EU, they do not address how the steps of integration into the European Union could gradually regulate the level of corruption in the RM and subsequently eliminate the possible methods of committing the bank fraud. Through a comparative analysis of Romania and the Republic of Moldova, I aim to demonstrate that the difference between the level of corruption and the stability of the banking system in these two countries is due to EU membership. Further, through secondary analysis of qualitative data, and semi-constructed interviews, I conclude that, in theory, my argument holds – the instruments the EU applies on the candidate countries would not have allowed the fraudulent schemes to be put into action. However, the EU failed to apply the conditionality concept on Romania and thus, it is possible that the money laundering in the RM could have happened even if it had been a member of the EU.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Helena Juliani Purba ◽  
Bonar Marulitua Sinaga ◽  
Tanti Novianti ◽  
Reni Kustiari

<strong>English</strong><br />Indonesian government has been promoting development of palm oil based biodiesel industry through the so-called biodiesel mandatory policy. Biodiesel is a renewable energy and low emission. Palm oil and its derivative products are the most important contributors of foreign exchange in 2017. Trade policy is required to accelerate the achievement of biodiesel industry development in Indonesia. The study is intended to analyze the impacts of trade policy (export tax by Indonesian government and import restriction by the European Union) on the development of Indonesia’s biodiesel industry. The analysis used econometrics model in the form of simultaneous equations system consisting of 27 structural and 9 identity equations, estimated using the 2SLS (Two Stage Least Squares) method. This research used annual time series data 1991–2015. The result shows that both the export tax policy by Indonesian government and palm oil import ban by European Union have positive impacts on Indonesia's biodiesel industry but do have negative impacts on the foreign exchange revenues. The negative impacts on foreign exchange revenues can be avoided by replanting policy. Whenever the European Union imposes palm oil import ban policy; then, it is suggested that Indonesian government imposes the domestic market obligation and replanting policy. <br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Indonesia sedang melakukan upaya pengembangan biodiesel yang bersumber dari minyak sawit dalam kebijakan mandatori biodiesel. Biodiesel adalah sumber energi terbarukan dan rendah emisi. Minyak sawit dan produk turunannya adalah penyumbang devisa negara terbesar pada tahun 2017. Kebijakan perdagangan diperlukan untuk mempercepat pencapaian pengembangan industri biodiesel Indonesia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dampak kebijakan perdagangan (pajak ekspor oleh pemerintah Indonesia dan pembatasan impor oleh Uni Eropa) terhadap pengembangan industri biodiesel Indonesia. Analisis menggunakan model ekonometrik dalam bentuk sistem persamaan simultan terdiri dari 27 persamaan struktural dan 9 persamaan identitas yang diestimasi dengan metode Two Stage Least Squares (2SLS) menggunakan data series tahunan 1990–2015. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa kebijakan pajak ekspor oleh pemerintah Indonesia maupun larangan impor oleh Uni Eropa berdampak positif bagi perkembangan industri biodiesel Indonesia, namun berdampak negatif terhadap penerimaan devisa Indonesia. Dampak negatif terhadap penerimaan devisa dapat diatasi dengan kebijakan peremajaan kelapa sawit (replanting). Manakala Uni Eropa melakukan pelarangan impor minyak sawit, maka disarankan Pemerintah Indonesia menerapkan kebijakan domestic market obligation dan replanting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Maretha Syawallin Umarach

Introduction: The policy issued by the European Union is the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) that turn creates barriers to palm oil exports from other countries to the European Union. The policy to ban palm oil under the pretext of protecting the environment is considered to be a new obstacle to trade. One of the rejection responses came from the ASEAN region. However, even though it has received a lot of protests and rejections, until 2020 the European Union has not changed its policy regarding the ban on the use of palm oil for biodiesel in the European region.Methods: This article focuses on the reasons for the European Union implementing protectionism policies towards the Palm Oil sector in the ASEAN region. The explanation regarding this focus is explained using the Neo Mercantilism approach.Results: The policy to ban palm oil imports can be analyzed to respond to the EU's ambition and concern that the climate emergency will jeopardize the trade process in the future. The European Union research group considers that oil palm plants have a high contribution to the problem of deforestation and forest and peatland diversion in the world, especially ASEAN. Howeever, it can also be seen that there are ambitions to protect the domestic production of biofuels from the EU sunflower and radishes from global competition. The above concerns and motivations then prompted the European Union to formulate protectionism for regional economic stability.Conclusion and suggestion: ASEAN, especially Indonesia and Malaysia, have become quite vocal actors in responding to this policy. Indonesia and Malaysia are the biggest contributors of palm oil exports to Europe. As well as causing an oversupply of global palm oil supplies, this policy is considered to discriminate against and violate free-trade norms.


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