The Johnson Administration and Arab-Israeli Peacemaking after June 1967

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-219
Author(s):  
Galen Jackson

Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, the United States took a relatively passive approach to Middle East peacemaking. The passivity shown by the administration of President Lyndon Johnson stemmed primarily from its belief that the Arab states had failed to make reasonable proposals for an agreement and from the White House's awareness that pressuring Israel would likely have significant domestic political consequences. Thus, even though it felt the need to press Israel to withdraw to prewar boundaries as part of a settlement, the administration made little effort to achieve an agreement on that basis.

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-444
Author(s):  
Hosam Matar

Soft power, according to Joseph Nye, in 2004, is ‘the ability to affect others through the co-optive means of framing the agenda, persuading, and eliciting positive attraction in order to obtain preferred outcomes’. The United States is applying many initiatives and policies of soft power in the Arab world. No other state holds as much widespread cultural attractiveness around the globe as much as the United States. Yet, America’s political and cultural popularity in the Middle East, including the Arab world, is still relatively low when compared with other regions of the world. In 2014, from the 10 states that were most unfavourable toward the United States, five were Arab states. Therefore, like hard power, soft power also has its own limits. This article focuses on the reasons and conditions that impose such constrictions and limits on US soft power in the Arab world.


Author(s):  
William O. Walker

This chapter charts the decline of the American Century in the mid-to-late 1960s. Ties with European allies were cordial, notably with West Germany. Also, U.S.-Soviet relations improved, as seen at the 1967 Glassboro summit meeting. Decline, however, overshadowed such gains. In the Middle East, black Africa, and Southwest Asia, the Johnson administration had trouble asserting leadership. And in the Americas, Washington often supported military regimes, thereby diminishing the chances for democracy. Also, Ho Chi Minh largely thwarted U.S. goals in Vietnam. The 1968 Tet Offensive, the gold crisis in March of that year, and reports by the Interagency Youth Committee on anti-American dissent around the world showed the eroding credibility of the United States and the American Century’s fading appeal.


2020 ◽  
pp. 23-54
Author(s):  
Kenneth Kolander

Using research from the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library, FRUS, and the Congressional Record, the first chapter explores U.S.-Israel relations during Lyndon Johnson’s presidency. In 1967, provocative moves made by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and an Israeli first strike plunged the region into war. Legislators took to the House and Senate floors to proclaim the essence of the special relationship—an unwavering American commitment to ensure Israel’s survival. In the aftermath of the war, the Johnson administration decided to abandon existing U.S. policy regarding territorial integrity in the Middle East and support Israeli occupation of Arab lands in order to pressure Arab states to finally recognize Israel and make peace with it. The Johnson administration, like the administrations before it, could not solve the riddle of Arab-Israeli conflict and regarded the war as an opportunity to pursue a different path. The decisions to not push Israel out of the territories and to increase weapons sales to Israel were both justified by the American commitment to Israel’s survival.


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
Michael Curtis ◽  
Gerald Freund ◽  
Irving Louis Horowitz ◽  
John H. Marks ◽  
Seymour Siegel ◽  
...  

Unpredictable and potentially inflammable, the Middle East is currently experiencing an unusual degree of tranquillity and stability. For the United States this is a moment for satisfaction, if not yet of optimism or rejoicing.The U.S. has played a major role in producing a climate of greater realism in which some Arab states are prepared to recognize Israel, if certain conditions are met, and in which the desire to resort to armed force to obtain a solution has been significantly reduced. It was the chief force in achieving in August, 1970, a cease-fire, now over thirty months old, between Egypt and Israel. It has reached an understanding with the Soviet Union on the need to prevent acts of hostility in the area and to localize any conflicts that occur. It has maintained the balance of power in the area by its supply of arms and aid to Israel without forfeiting all relationships with Arab states.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
James Abourezk ◽  
Paul Findley ◽  
Edmund Ghareeb

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.


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