scholarly journals The Diplomatic Pioneer: Provenance, Patrimony, Pertinence Marking the 75th Anniversary of the Institute of International Relations

2019 ◽  
pp. 799-810
Author(s):  
Valerii Kopiika
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Education ◽  
English Language ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Global Perspective ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Erasmus Programme

Universities have historically merited a special place in world history as the locus of science, upbringing, humanism, and freedom of expression. However, modernity is routinely putting their tenacity and toughness to test by challenges of social existence, where every individual, government and society alike are transforming faced with globalization, communicative technologies, climate change and the new type of the world economy. The Institute of International Relations is therefore seeking to reiterate the irreplaceable value, virtues and vistas of a classical university in the ever-changing world of today. Since its inception, the IIR has come a long way from a small department to the major educational and methodological centre of Ukraine for training experts in international relations and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the life in the precincts of the Institute is not confined to research in the silence of laboratories or libraries. Thus, under interuniversity agreements, the IIR cooperates with more than 60 higher educational establishments from Belgium, Canada, China, Egypt, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Iran, Japan, Poland, the Republic of Korea, Spain, and the US. Within the framework of international cooperation attention is also attached to the matters of professional ethics: For four consecutive years, the IIR has taken part in the Strengthening Academic Integrity in Ukraine Project (SAIUP) under the aegis of the American Councils for International Education in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine backed by the US Embassy in Ukraine. In recent years, the Institute has set up an extensive network of international project activities, as amply demonstrated by the establishment of Ukraine’s sole Centre for Arabic Studies and the Youth Information Centre of the Ukrainian Red Cross Society. Capitalizing on the generated momentum, in 2019, the IIR won an overarching victory in the competition for the establishment of the Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence under the EU’s Erasmus + Programme to become the only such project in Ukraine. The Institute of International Relations is also mindful of employability and future careers of its graduates. Such initiatives as the Career Day, traditionally bringing together the world’s leading employers, the IIR Business School and the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Institute and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine are there to serve this purpose. Our Institute is an opportunity to open up to the world by virtue of new knowledge, academic exchange programs and internship in the best universities. This is the place not only to meet loyal friends and wise teachers, but also to unite the IIR traditions and achievements with the global perspective and break new ground of thinking. Keywords: the Institute of International Relations, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, joint degree, master classes of practitioners, case studies, language training, English-language master programmes.

scholarly journals Testing the Boundaries of Subnational Diplomacy: The International Climate Action of Local and Regional Governments

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joana Setzer
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Legal Capacity ◽  
Climate Regime ◽  
The World ◽  
Climate Action ◽  
International Climate ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
Regional Governments

AbstractSince the 1990s, a number of local and regional governments around the world have started to engage in a real international or ‘paradiplomatic’ climate agenda. While the multilevel governance approach has advanced the examination of the actors and levels involved in climate governance, there is within this body of literature a limited consideration of the legal capacity of non-state actors to act across scales. This article addresses this gap and examines the potential limitations imposed on subnational diplomacy by international and domestic legal orders. The article draws upon the example of Brazil where, despite constitutional limitations on the involvement of subnational governments in international relations, paradiplomacy has been termed ‘federative diplomacy’ and institutionalized within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and within the Presidency of the Republic. The article shows that the diplomatic activity of local and regional governments is still constrained by international and domestic legal frameworks. If cities and regions are to help in addressing the inadequacies of the international climate regime, then domestic and international legal frameworks will need to further accommodate subnational diplomatic activities.

scholarly journals Mediation as a Component of Communicative Competence in Training International Relations Professionals: Collaboration Between Russia and Kazakhstan

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-71
Author(s):  
Irina E. Abramova ◽  
Anastasia A. Ananyina ◽  
Anna M. Esengalieva
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
International Relations ◽  
English Language ◽  
Communicative Competence ◽  
Well Being ◽  
University Teaching ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Impact

The world lives in the era of conflict, when the safety and well-being of states or individuals to a large extent depend on the availability of well-trained professionals who are able to perform mediating functions, keeping in mind ethnic, national, political, cultural and other differences between conflicting sides. However, employers increasingly claim that todays graduates lack the skills required for conflict management and mediation even in homogeneous working environments, let alone multinational teams and international interaction. This problem is particularly relevant for the field of international relations where conflict resolution by peaceful means is very important. Countries with transition economies, such as Russia and Kazakhstan, where there is a gap between labor market requirements and university teaching practices, have been searching for new ways to educate and train young specialists. This article presents the preliminary results of a collaborative project between Petrozavodsk State University of the Russian Federation and Gumilyov Eurasian National University of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The project includes a set of dialogue- and polylogue-based learning activities with special focus on addressing any discrepancies, misunderstandings and divergence of views. The aim of the paper is to assess the impact of professionally oriented cross-border communication in the English language on the readiness of international relations students from Russia and Kazakhstan for resolving future professional disputes through mediation. The authors used formal structured questionnaires with closed-ended questions for obtaining necessary data and the comparative analysis method for interpreting them. The results suggest that systematic English-language cross-border communication in a realistic work-like environment will demonstrate the importance of mediation as a component of professional communicative competence to the students and will better prepare future foreign affairs staff for conflict resolution and mediation.

scholarly journals The Pandemic and the Crisis in the System of International Relations

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Al. A. Gromyko
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Competitive Advantages ◽  
Direct Impact ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Strategic Autonomy ◽  
The Eu

The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.

The Armenian Diaspora in Italy

2015 ◽  
Vol 95 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 277-299
Author(s):  
Enrico Ferri
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
The World ◽  
Armenian Identity ◽  
Fascist Regime ◽  
The Republic

Taking inspiration from some analytical paths in a recent book by Agop Manoukian—Presenza Armena in Italia. 1915-2000, Milano, Guerini e Associati, 2014)—the author traces some significant moments of the Armenian diaspora in Italy during the 20th century including its complex relations with socio-political Italy, in context with Middle Eastern and international relations, which during the World Wars also involves the United States. In particular, the author considers the relations of the Italian Armenian diaspora with the kingdom of Italy in the first instance and then with the fascist regime, during the period when racial laws involved the small Armenian community. Then the author focuses on the new realities of Republican Italy and the Socialist Republic of Armenia and the debate that developed during the second half of last century, between those who believed it possible to preserve the Armenian identity and those in the diaspora who supported a political initiative in favour of the re-conquest of Armenia’s historic lands. Particular attention is reserved for the genocide of 1915 and the new entity of the Republic of Armenia.

Beyond de jure and de facto boundaries: tracing the imperial geographies of US law

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-418
Author(s):  
Freya Irani
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
National Economy ◽  
Federal Court ◽  
Legal Authority ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
The Us ◽  
Antitrust Laws ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Employee Relationships

Since 1945, US judges have extended numerous “domestic” US laws (including securities and antitrust laws) to govern economic transactions taking place “abroad”. However, they have generally failed to extend US labor and employment laws to govern employer–employee relationships outside “US territory”. Through a close reading of federal court decisions and drawing on recent work in the field of critical legal studies, this article makes an argument for centering the study of jurisdiction in International Relations scholarship and for approaching states as instantiated in their jurisdictional assertions. I suggest that such an approach enables us to capture the geographies—including the imperial geographies—of US law in the “normal,” everyday course of affairs. In particular, such an approach allows us to see that, since the mid-20th century, the legal authority and legal relations of the US government have come to be organized around the notion of the national economy (rather than simply around, for example, notions of territory or citizenship). What this means is that it is increasingly a posited relationship to this national economy that determines whether people and corporations, wherever in the world they are located, are subjected to or protected by US law.

scholarly journals Ideology and Values in Turkey's Foreign Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».

INNOVATIONS IN THE DPRK ECONOMY IN THE ERA OF KIM JONG-UN: RESULTS, THREATS AND RISKS

2020 ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Marina E. Trigubenko ◽  
◽  
Tatiana V. Lezhenina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Kim Il Sung ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Economic Program ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
National Ideology ◽  
The Republic

During the 8 years of the DPRK leadership, Kim Jong-un has been trying to position himself as a major reformer of the economy and the main military strategist in the development of the production of the latest intercontinental missiles directed towards the United States. Kim Jong-un presented the economic program for the first time at the VII Congress of the Labor Party of Korea in 2016 in the format of the three main tasks of the first five-year plan for 2016-2020. Tasks. To summarize Kim Jong-un's innovations in economic development and prove that they will be effective in the context of expanding trade and economic cooperation between the DPRK and China, Russia, as well as reducing the US sanctions policy against the DPRK. Methodology. The use of methods of scientific knowledge of the reformation of the economy of less developed countries. Results. The scale of economic innovations of Kim Jong-un and the influence of the legacy left by Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il from the position of national ideology are proved to be self-reliant (Juche), which complicates and slows down the transition of North Korea to the number of democratically developed countries of the world, political and trade-economic DPRK cooperation with the Republic of Korea. Findings. Today, China has always been and remains the main military-political ally and economic partner of the DPRK. Sino-US relations have become much more complicated as a result of the trade war and US accusations of concealing by China the real reasons for the appearance and spread of COVID-19 all over the world. The DPRK's economic relations with the United States do not develop after direct contact in 2019 of Donald Trump with Kim Jong-un. External and internal threats and risks in the use of innovations remain.

Features of “Soft Power” in the Eurasian Economic Union and the Role of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 135-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalia Markushina
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Modern Theory ◽  
Common Language ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Eurasian Region

The chapter is devoted to the problem of the formation of “soft power” in the Eurasian space. All attempts to find a common language between states in the world lead to the fact that an appeal to “soft power” appears more and more often on the states' agenda as a tool of achieving the goals of the states, including the states of Eurasian region. The concept of “soft power”, introduced into the circulation of the modern theory of international relations by J. Nye, is being actively discussed in Russia. In recent years, President V. Putin and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia S. Lavrov were repeatedly called upon to multiply the Russian resource of “soft power” for solving foreign policy tasks. Undoubtedly, this is also valid when we speak about Eurasian integration.

Yes Virginia, There Is an Alternative

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-193
Author(s):  
David Schweickart
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Current Economic Crisis ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World

AbstractThis article assesses the current economic crisis, why it is happening, its implications for the US role in the world and international relations, and what can and must be done to address the situation.

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