Epilogue

2019 ◽  
pp. 190-204
Author(s):  
Doyeeta Majumder
Keyword(s):  
Political Order ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Central Thesis ◽  
Potential Subject ◽  
Second Tetralogy ◽  
English Stage ◽  
The One

The book concludes with a brief discussion of Shakespeare’s second historical tetralogy: the one short-lived moment on the English stage which fully realizes the potential of the idea of a man-made etiology of politics through the figure of the ‘new prince’ who successfully establishes a new political order and a new dynasty. With particular focus on Richard II, I argue that even though Shakespeare, in the figure of Henry Bolingbroke, holds up for scrutiny what appears to be an exception to the usurper-tyrant overlap, by extending the central thesis of this book to this group of texts it can be shown that far from being an anomaly, in fact the operation of poiesis in political life is permitted legitimate theatrical expression in Shakespeare’s second tetralogy. A fuller analysis of this moment could be a potential subject for further research along the line of enquiry opened up in this book.

Indledende note om demokrati-begrebet

2015 ◽  
pp. 89-92
Author(s):  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Nicolai Von Eggers
Keyword(s):  
Public Law ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Administrative Practice ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
The One ◽  
Present Conception

In this text, Giorgio Agamben argues that the concept of democracy attests to a political, ontological amphibology: on the one side, democracy describes a constitution of a political order (and in this sense it belongs to public law); on the other side, democracy is a certain form of administration (in which case it belongs to administrative practice). It is argued that this amphibology can be located in the political theories of Aristotle and Jean-Jacques Rousseau who have been instrumental in forming our present conception of politics. Consequently, we misunderstand the fundamental nature of politics, and any hopes of genuine political life must therefore break with this tradition of Western political philosophy.

Between Two Worlds: Europe in a Globalizing Era

2002 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony McGrew
Keyword(s):  
Necessary Conditions ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Future

Globalization – Simply The Growing Intensity, Extent And deepening impact of worldwide interconnectedness – poses anew the classic questions of political life, namely: who rules, by what means, in whose interests and to what purpose? This is not to suggest, as some do, that the forces of globalization are eclipsing sovereign states but it is to acknowledge that the necessary conditions for sovereign and democratic self-government are undergoing a significant transformation. This is especially evident in Europe where, at the great intersection of regionalism and globalism, a novel continental political order is crystallizing: not quite federalism in its orthodox form but clearly something more than classic intergovermentalism. Caught between two worlds – a Europe of nation-states and a Europe of Citizens to use Joschka Fischer's construction – the future political trajectory of the continent, in part, will depend upon how effectively regionalism mediates the dynamics of globalism and localism.

scholarly journals Holistic and conceptual character of the mental in Donald Davidson’s work

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-142
Author(s):  
Milos Bogdanovic
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Ontological Category ◽  
Conceptual Category ◽  
Central Thesis ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Rule Out

In this paper we will try to confront Quine?s and Davidson?s holistic position through Davidson?s thesis of mental as a non-ontological category. In this regard, since Davidson came to this position through the thesis of mental as a decidedly conceptual category, we will try to show how this approach does not, nevertheless, rule out the possibility of its interpretation in ontological terms. However, in what follows we will draw attention to the fact that mental can be interpreted so that it proves to be immune to ontologization in Quine?s sense. This would be the evidence of different ways, which are not necessarily compatible, to argue for Davidson?s central thesis - the thesis about holistic character of mental - as well as, which is closely related, a certain difference that exists between Davidson?s view of mental as a conceptual category on the one hand, and a holistic category on the other hand.

Former employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Tambov Governorate after the February Revolution of 1917

2021 ◽  
pp. 194-205
Author(s):  
Pavel S. Rakhmanov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Law Enforcement Officers ◽  
Professional Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Russian Law ◽  
Internal Affairs ◽  
The One

The problems of changing the position of the Ministry of Internal Affairs after the events of February–March 1917 in the Tambov Governorate are investigated. We study the state policy, the attitude of local authorities and the public to representatives of this socio-professional group, individual features of the adaptation of its representatives to new socio-political conditions. The relevance of the research is due to both significant gaps in the historiography of the issue, especially at the regional level of the study of the problem, and a certain consonance with the modern problems of Russian law enforcement agencies in the context of transformations. It is concluded that representatives of the broad popular strata and the soldier masses treated former em-ployees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs extremely negatively, which was especially pronounced in the period that followed the revolutionary events of February 1917. However, the leadership of both the governorate as a whole and in individual counties pursued an ambivalent policy towards representatives of this social and professional group. On the one hand, the tasks were set for the maximum removal of former law enforcement officers from participation in public and political life, and on the other, their professional skills were in demand in the newly created militia bodies.

Tyranny and Usurpation

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doyeeta Majumder
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Plays ◽  
Elizabethan Drama ◽  
Political Drama ◽  
English Stage ◽  
The One ◽  
Tragic Drama ◽  
Law Making

This book examines the fraught relationship between the sixteenth-century formulations of the theories of sovereign violence, tyranny and usurpation and the manifestations of these ideas on the contemporary English stage. It will attempt to trace an evolution of the poetics of English and Scottish political drama through the early, middle, and late decades of the sixteenth-century in conjunction with developments in the political thought of the century, linking theatre and politics through the representations of the problematic figure of the usurper or, in Machiavellian terms, the ‘New Prince’. While the early Tudor morality plays are concerned with the legitimate monarch who becomes a tyrant, the later historical and tragic drama of the century foregrounds the figure of the illegitimate monarch who is a tyrant by default. On the one hand the sudden proliferation of usurpation plots in Elizabethan drama and the transition from the legitimate tyrant to the usurper tyrant is linked to the dramaturgical shift from the allegorical morality play tradition to later history plays and tragedies, and on the other it is reflective of a poetic turn in political thought which impelled political writers to conceive of the state and sovereignty as a product of human ‘poiesis’, independent of transcendental legitimization. The poetics of political drama and the emergence of the idea of ‘poiesis’ in the political context merge in the figure of the nuove principe: the prince without dynastic claims who creates his sovereignty by dint of his own ‘virtu’ and through an act of law-making violence.

Sovereign Outlaws: Shakespeare’s Second Tetralogy

2020 ◽  
pp. 55-79
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy
Keyword(s):  
History Plays ◽  
Richard Ii ◽  
Henry V ◽  
Sovereign Immunity ◽  
Legal Questions ◽  
The Law ◽  
Second Tetralogy

This chapter asks whether the sovereign can (and perhaps must) act outside the law in a reading of the second tetralogy of Shakespeare’s history plays. The discussion opens with an examination of the notion of sovereign immunity, contrasted with a competing line of discourse against tyranny. It then argues that questions around the king’s status relative to the law constitute an important set of issues within Shakespeare’s Richard II,where both individuals (Richard and Bolingbroke) and events (Richard’s deposition) may be read as existing outside of the law in various senses. The chapter proceeds to consider the remaining plays in the tetralogy, arguing that Henry V, a sort of quasi-outlaw before gaining the throne, finds as king that he must act outside the law to defend the interests of his state. The discussion surveys a range of legal questions in Henry V, from his claim to the throne of France to his threats before Harfleur and his killing of prisoners at Agincourt. The chapter concludes with a brief glance at espionage in Elizabethan England, and the Elizabethan state’s recourse to methods of invisible power.

Neither Civilian nor Combatant: Weaponised Spaces and Spatialised Bodies in Cizre

2019 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Haydar Darıcı ◽  
Serra Hakyemez
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Government ◽  
Turkish State ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Kurdish Conflict ◽  
Self Defence

What kind of work does the categorical distinction between combatant and civilian do in the interplay of the necropolitics and biopower of the Turkish state? This paper focuses on a time period (2015-2016) in the history of the Kurdish conflict when that distinction was no longer operable as the war tactics of the Kurdish movement shifted from guerrilla attacks of hit and run in the mountains to the self-defence of residents in urban centres. It reveals the limit of inciting compassion through the figure of civilian who is assumed to entertain a pre-political life that is directed towards mere survival. It also shows how the government reconstructs the dead bodies using forensics and technoscience in order to portray what is considered by Kurdish human rights organizations civilians as combatants exercising necroresistance. As long as the civilian-combatant distinction remains and serves as the only episteme of war to defend the right to life, the state is enabled to entertain not only the right to kill, but also to turn the dead into the perpetrators of their own killing. Finally, this paper argues that law and violence, on the one hand, and the right to life and the act of killing on the other, are not two polar opposites but are mutually constitutive of each other in the remaking of state sovereignty put in crisis by the Kurdish movement's self-defence practices.

The Pragmatic Electorate

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis G. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Limited Participation ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
General Improvement ◽  
The One ◽  
City State ◽  
The Right

Political science has dealt too long, on the one hand, with the ideal, and, on the other hand, with the abnormal and perverted features of political society, rather than with the normal and the eventual. Our theory of ideal democracy is perhaps more suited to the Greek and Roman city-state, with participation as the test of the good citizen. Representation has been heralded as the device which makes the ancient ideal possible on a large scale. But in practice it has been found that the enormous expansion of the public, i.e., the body of persons who have the right of participation, has made the problem far more complex than was at first thought possible. Greek ideals of education and coercion of the citizen body toward general improvement have been carried out with greater success, and our statute books reflect a Hobbesian attitude toward human nature which is true only in part. The political philosophy of democracy must be built on the facts of political life.Shall we break with the Greek and Roman ideal of the participation of the citizen group in the affairs of the state? It is true that the present attitude is a revised form of the democratic ideal of antiquity, but with a different interpretation of the meaning of citizenship. All democratic governments must finally rest on some theory of the suffrage; any study of the fact of non-voting must be based on a theory of the suffrage likewise. With the expansion of the theory of citizenship to include all subjects, a corresponding theory of limited participation was developed—no doubt a product of the Middle Ages. The totality of citizens was distrusted, and some test of participation had to be devised. Such was the origin of religious tests for political participation; such was the origin of the distinction between the right to vote and the fact of citizenship.

Constitutionalism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Zackin
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Constitutional Politics ◽  
Enormous Amount ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
Legal Document ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
Over Time

The study of constitutionalism often begins with the question of what a constitution is. Sometimes the term refers to a single legal document with that name, but the term “constitution” may also refer to something unwritten, such as important political traditions or established customs. As a result, scholars sometimes distinguish between the “Big-C” constitution, that is, the constitutional document, and the “small-c” constitution, the set of unwritten practices and understandings that structure political life. Constitutionalism is typically associated with documents and practices that restrict the arbitrary exercise of power. Most constitutions contain guarantees of rights and outline the structures of government. Constitutions are often enforced in court, but nonjudicial actors, like legislatures or popular movements, may also enforce constitutional provisions. The relationship between democracy and constitutionalism is not at all straightforward, and it has received an enormous amount of scholarly attention. Constitutionalism seems to both undergird and restrain democracy. On the one hand, constitutions establish the institutions that allow for self-government. On the other, they are often said to restrict majoritarian decision-making. Related to this question of the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy are questions about how constitutions change and how they ought to change. Can written constitutions change without changes to the text, and can judges bring about these changes? Do extratextual changes threaten or promote democracy? Finally, not only do individual constitutions change, but the practice of writing constitutions and governing with them has also changed over time. In general, constitutions have grown more specific and flexible over time, arguably, allowing for a different kind of constitutional politics.

Legitimacy and Mass Compliance: Reflections on Max Weber and Soviet-Type Societies

1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pakulski
Keyword(s):  
Max Weber ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Legitimate Authority ◽  
Conceptual Scheme ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The One

It is worthwhile debating the meaning of concepts only when they start to hinder the process of inquiry. This seems to be the case with Max Weber's concepts of legitimacy and legitimate authority. They are becoming increasingly popular among students of Soviet-type societies despite the numerous problems posed by their application in a socio-political context that is so different from the one Weber had in mind. This increased popularity results in a ‘conceptual stretch’. More importantly, it increases the danger of a serious misinterpretation of socio-political processes in Soviet-type societies because, as will be argued in this article, the concept of legitimacy is not appropriate for the analysis of mass compliance in such societies. Instead, the persistence of (relatively) stable social and political order in these societies, as well as the occurrences of mass dissent, may be better accounted for in terms of ‘conditional tolerance’. In order to demonstrate the utility of this concept, and to show the problematic nature of accounts in terms of legitimacy and legitimate authority, it is necessary to start with a brief reprise of Weber's conceptual scheme.

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