Evolution: The Family and Private Life

2014 ◽  
pp. 59-70
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Iulia Butnaru ◽  

Privacy often conflict with other rights and legitimate interests, at which is the question of establishing its boundaries. Obviously there are no clear limits beyond which an infringement must be regarded as permissible. Private life is a concept with an extensive interpretation, which includes different spheres of the person’s life, as demonstrated by the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. What is certain is that each person has their own opinion about the extent of privacy and this impression depends on the psychological traits of the person concerned, but also on the traditions and customs that exist in a society at a certain historical stage. The utility of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights in the protection of private life and the family is that it provides precise criteria to be applied by judges to determine whether the complaint submitted under Article 8 of the Convention European Human Rights is one valid.


1961 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 75-84 ◽  

Robert Alexander Frazer was born in the City of London on 5 February 1891. His father, Robert Watson Frazer, LL.B., had retired from the Madras Civil Service and had become Principal Librarian and Secretary of the London Institution at Finsbury Circus, whence in the following two decades he produced four books on India and its history, of which perhaps the best known was one published in the ‘Story of the Nations’ Series by Fisher Unwin, Ltd., in 1895. The family lived at the Institution and Robert was born there. Young Frazer proceeded in due course to the City of London School where he did remarkably well and won several scholarships and medals. By the time he was eighteen years of age, the City Corporation, desiring to commemorate the distinction just gained by Mr H. H. Asquith, a former pupil of the school, on his appointment as Prime Minister, founded the Asquith Scholarship of £100 per annum tenable for four years at Cambridge. It thus came about that at the school prize-giving in 1909 the Lord Mayor announced that the new Asquith Scholarship had been conferred on Frazer, who was so enabled to proceed to Pembroke College, Cambridge, that autumn. Frazer, in the course of his subsequent career, had two other formal links with London. In 1911 he was admitted to the Freedom of London in the Mayoralty of Sir Thomas Crosby, having been an Apprentice of T. M. Wood, ‘Citizen and Gardener of London’; and in 1930 he was awarded the degree of Doctor of Science by the University of London. The former may or may not have been a pointer to his subsequent ability as a gardener in private life; the latter was certainly a well-deserved recognition of his scientific work at the time.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Waters

The Bolsheviks considered the family to be a minor matter. The ABC of Communism, a popular exposition of Bolshevik Marxism published shortly after the October Revolution, detailed the economic and political institutions of Soviet Russia with only a passing reference to the public services that would emancipate women in the future society.1 Its authors, Nikolai Bukharin and Evgenii Preobrazhenskii, understood the revolutionary process chiefly as the by-product of economic development and expected socialism to come through the manipulation of economic mechanisms by central government, and in this they echoed the views of their party. The Bolshevik scenario did not preclude the ‘participation of the masses’ to use the vocabulary of the times. Individuals, women as well as men, were to enjoy unprecedented access to the political process, and as masters of the nation's resources would decide matters of state, each acting as part of the whole, or more exactly as part of a number of collectivities, first and foremost as members of the proletariat, but also as members of other groups including nationality, youth and women. While families in the past had played a crucial role in the creation and transmission of private property, with the overthrow of the exploitative capitalist system they would cease to function as providers of economic and psychological welfare. Instead the individual's social place and action would be determined by class and, to a lesser extent, by ethnicity, age and gender. Families belonged to the superstructure and were symptom rather than cause; they adapted to the needs of society, changing in response to the transformation of economic relations. Families, in other words, could look after themselves, and appropriate forms of private life would evolve without much outside intervention.


Slavic Review ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-847 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa A. Kirschenbaum

During World War II, images of mothers constituted one of the most striking—and lasting—additions to Soviet propaganda. The appearance of “Mother Russia” has been understood as a manifestation of the Soviet state's wartime renunciation of appeals to Marxism-Leninism and its embrace of nationalism. Yet “Mother Russia” (rodina-mat', more literally, the “motherland mother“) was an ambiguous national figure. The word rodina, from the verb rodit', to give birth, can mean birthplace both in the narrow sense of hometown and in the broad sense of “motherland,” and it suggests the centrality of the private and the local in wartime conceptions of public duty. Mothers functioned in Soviet propaganda both as national symbols and as the constantly reworked and reimagined nexus between home and nation, between love for the family and devotion to the state. From this point of view, the new prominence of mothers in wartime propaganda can be understood as part of what Jeffrey Brooks has identified as the “counter-narrative” of individual initiative and private motives, as opposed to party discipline, that dominated the centrally controlled press's coverage of the first years of the war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-43
Author(s):  
Ann Ward

This article explores how Sophocles’ Oedipus the King and Plato’s Apology of Socrates address the question of whether reason can ground the good human life. Sophocles’ tragedy and Plato’s dialogue both tell of the search for rational self-knowledge. Both Oedipus and Socrates are recognized for human wisdom and are presented as skeptical toward the gods. Yet, whereas Oedipus’ life ends in tragedy, Socrates’ life does not. Sophocles thus suggests that the rational search for truth must be limited by a pious respect for the gods. Plato, on the other hand, preserves Socrates’ belief that the ‘unexamined life is not worth living for a human being’. Four lines of inquiry into the causes of this divergence are then explored: 1) Socrates’ order of knowledge from particular to universal, 2) Oedipus’ proneness to anger, 3) Socrates’ private life in contrast to Oedipus’ public life and, 4) the differing status of the family.


1950 ◽  
Vol 19 (57) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
James Lawson

Aman's character is judged not merely by his public services and his political views but also by his private life and individual interests. Similarly the history of a nation is to be read not only in its military exploits, its constitutional experiments, its art and literature, but also in the social habits and predominant interests of its citizens. Just as a garden mirrors the character of its owner, so the gardens of a nation reflect the character and the degree of advancement of the State. It is no coincidence that the popular garden of the Roman Republic was the simple kitchen garden, while under the Empire pretentious landscape gardens were the vogue. The vitalizing energy of the Republic found an outlet in the productive vegetable plot: the elaborate but sterile gardens of the Empire were symbolic of incipient decay.Until the first century b.c. almost all Roman gardens were cottage gardens. Their plan and culture were governed solely by practical needs. From them the mistress of the house used to replenish her larder and medicine-chest and adorn the family shrine with flowers. Pliny the Elder reminds the luxury-seeking populace of a later date that in the past at Rome a garden was the poor man's estate: it was the only market he had from which to provide himself with food. The prime function of a garden was to make its owner self-sufficient. This self-sufficiency was more easy of attainment in ancient Italy than in more northerly countries, for the diet of the Romans consisted, for the most part, of salads.


1957 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 23-39 ◽  

This biography is compiled from the Personal Record which Donnan left with the Royal Society, the assistance of numerous pupils and friends, and from the recollections of the writer extending over a long period. Donnan was born on 5 September 1870 at Colombo, Ceylon, and was the second of a family consisting of two brothers and four sisters. His father was William Donnan, a merchant of Belfast, and his mother’s maiden name was Jane Ross Turnley Liggate she also being a native of Northern Ireland. Donnan’s uncle, Captain James Donnan, was ‘master attendant’, Colombo and Inspector of the Ceylon Pearl Fisheries, who received a C.M.G. on his retirement; his son, Donnan’s cousin, was a regular soldier who spent most of his life in India, retiring with the rank of Colonel in 1913, rejoining the Army in 1914, and dying of heat stroke in Mesopotamia. Donnan’s brother, William Dunlop Donnan, was a general medical practitioner (M.D. of the Queens University) of Belfast till his death in 1941. Donnan returning from Ceylon at the age of 3 had no recollections of that country at all and this must be considered in making any appreciation of him as a devoted Ulster patriot. Donnan was a bachelor, so particular and generous mention must be made of his two sisters Jane and Leonora (Nora) who played such an important and unobtrusive part in his life. Jane was his secretary at University College and later looked after the I.C.I. Research Associates working there; after his retirement she carried on with his correspondence. In these later years her eyesight began to fail and steadily worsened. She died only three days before her brother and they were cremated on the same day. On duty she was most intelligent and efficient and in private life had all the family charm.


2022 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareike Reimann ◽  
Eileen Peters ◽  
Martin Diewald

The COVID-19 pandemic has dramatically affected everyone’s daily life in one way or another, requiring a re-negotiation of existing strategies for work–life integration, not only for individuals but also within families and partnerships. To contribute to existing knowledge on work-life integration during COVID-19 in Germany, we look at gender and parenthood differences in the experiences of work-to-family (WFC) and family-to-work (FWC) conflicts. By accounting for employees’ previous conflict experiences, we were able to reveal the extent to which the current conditions contributed to differences in these conflicts. Moreover, we explored the relevance of demands and resources in the family and work spheres as a way to explain different levels of WFC and FWC across gender and parenthood. Our analyses are based on a sample of 660 employees from a German linked employer–employee panel study and a COVID-19 follow-up survey conducted in late 2020. Results revealed that work–family conflict experiences before the pandemic play an important role in current conflict perceptions. Whereas WFC were more likely to be accentuated during the pandemic, prior FWC experiences may have helped to mitigate conflicts under these new conditions. Work–family conflicts in general have increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, but this finding applied only to conflicts in the family-to-work direction. Although such increases were not limited to parents, they were particularly high in this group. Overall, gender differences in work–family conflicts were absent, but differences were found between mothers and fathers. The need to compensate for a lack of external childcare, as well as having to work from home, increased FWC, especially among fathers. This study suggests that FWC in particular became more important during the pandemic; however, parents were not the only ones who were disadvantaged when it came to work–life integration; childless individuals likewise struggled to balance the demands of work and private life.


Author(s):  
Lyudmila Vavulinskaya

Introduction. The paper offers an analysis of historical studies on family and motherhood in post-war decades published in the 21st century, gives an account of the achievements of modern historiography on the subject, outlines the tasks for further studies. These topics have become compelling because of the declining value of motherhood and a prolonged demographic crisis in Russia. Methods. The historiographic analysis in this article is based on the thematic-chronological method supplemented with the systemic, typological and comparative-historical techniques permitting the literature available on the subject to be systematized and analyzed. The article primarily focuses on publications by Russian historians. Analysis. The main specific areas of research on family and motherhood are characterized. It is remarked that the pool of sources available has increased, and new research approaches and practices have been introduced. Contemporary authors have focused their attention on the analysis of the ideological background and principles of the Soviet gender policy, on the machinery of constructing the myth about equality of Soviet women. New aspects have been addressed, such as family private life, domestics role in its functioning, family conflict resolution practices, change in womans biological status over time, socio-ethical meaning of government awards for women, womans image reconstruction in post-war Soviet press. Researchers characterized the various stages in the Soviet family policy, marriage and family relationships in urban and rural communities. Studies on the legislative regulation of the family policy, social support to motherhood and childhood in postwar decades continued. The significance of the measures taken in this period to establish a system of medical aid and social guarantees and benefits for mothers was emphasized. The authors, however, remarked the persistent double work load on women, inequalities in payment rates and career. Results. The substantial progress has been achieved in the coverage of the issue of family and motherhood in two post-war decades. The tendency for multidisciplinary research has been growing; new aspects of the problem have been investigated. At the same time, the issue of the organization of the family welfare system, womens value systems, their attitudes towards the social policy and methods of adaptation to the living conditions should be addressed in more detail.


Author(s):  
Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal

Vasilii Rozanov, a prominent spokesman of the Russian Religious-Philosophical Renaissance, is known for his writings on sex, marriage and the family, his attacks on Christian asceticism, and his love–hate attitude to Judaism. He termed Judaism a religion of life because it sanctified sex and the family, and Christianity a religion of death because it exalted celibacy. But Rozanov also charged that Judaism mandated ritual murder and that Jews were feeding off Russians. In Apokalypsis nashego vremeni (The Apocalypse of Our Time) (1917–18), he apologized for his anti-Semitic pronouncements and blamed the Bolshevik Revolution on Christian otherworldliness and sexlessness. In private life, Rozanov was a pillar of the Church, which he regarded as a haven of beauty, warmth, and spiritual succour. Rozanov’s writings contain brilliant insights, contradictions, distortions and outright lies. ‘Falsehood never tormented me’, he wrote, ‘and for a strange reason. What business is it of yours precisely what I think?’ He championed conservative policies in articles published under his own name and radical policies under a pseudonym. It is clear, however, that Rozanov was deeply religious and that he associated sex and the family with God. ’Dirty diapers and a naked wife: this is the truth of Bethlehem around you.’ Rozanov’s interpretations of Dostoevskii, Gogol’ and other Russian authors were original and perceptive. His collections of aphorisms Solitaria (1912) and Opavshie list’ia (Fallen Leaves, 2 vols) (1913b, 1915), are considered masterpieces of Russian style.


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