scholarly journals Pakistan's hybrid regime

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-150
Author(s):  
Ian Talbot
Keyword(s):  
Hybrid Regime

Revolution without regime change: The evidence from the post-Euromaidan Ukraine

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuriy Matsiyevsky
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Qualitative Change ◽  
Qualitative Composition ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
Operational Code ◽  
Formal And Informal Institutions ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Formal Procedures

What effects does a revolution have on the stability or change of a hybrid regime? Has the Ukraine’s regime changed since the 2014 revolution? To answer these questions I examine the changes in formal and informal institutions and the quantitative and qualitative composition of elites after the change of power in Ukraine in 2014. I argue that despite greater than in the post-orange period quantitative renewal of elites, qualitative change has not occurred. Meanwhile, the old operational code, or modus operandi, of elites’ political culture, composed of clientelism, secretive deals and quota based nominations to government positions continues to operate. The lack of elites’ renewal and the dominance of informal rules over formal procedures — two factors that keep the institutional core of Ukraine’s hybrid regime unchanged.

scholarly journals Turkey’s Hybrid Competitive Authoritarian Regime; A Genuine Product of Anatolia’s Middle Class

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaos Stelgias
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
The State ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Hybrid Regime

Few years since the 9/11 Attacks in New York and following its rise to power, the AKP has gradually established a so-­called “competitive authoritarian regime,” in order to consolidate and secure its political power. This regime is hybrid and it is based on liberal principles (absence of tutelary authorities, protection of civil liberties, universal suffrage, free elections etc.). The AKP also provides for a reasonably fair level of political competition between the party in power (government) and the opposition. At the same time, however, the system shows some undemocratic features (violation of civil liberties, unfair elections, and uneven political competition.) This hybrid regime is based on three pillars: the state, the party and a newly emerged middle class in Anatolia. Through this hybrid regime Anatolia’s newly emerged middle class redefines its cultural and socio-­economic relations.

scholarly journals Democracies and autocracies amid the pandemic: the Matthew effect

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-81
Author(s):  
T.V. Rastimehina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Matthew Effect ◽  
Emergency Situations ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Matthew Effect ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Emergency Measures

The author examines the actions of states in crisis and emergency situations and conducts a comparative analysis of the emergency measures taken by the governments of democratic states and hybrid regime states. The author notes the Matthew effect: the actions of the institutions of political power of democratic and undemocratic countries in the conditions of the regime of increased readiness at a superficial examination seem similar, but have a different effect. In democracies, the restriction of some of the freedoms of citizens fits into the general trend toward humanization of politics. At the same time, autocracies presumably use the crisis to redistribute power resources toward the executive branch and to normalize the suppression of civic engagement.

scholarly journals Consequences of the Totalitarian past on the Albanian Post- Communist Society

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Matilda Pajo
Keyword(s):  
Annual Reports ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Qualitative Nature ◽  
Communist Past ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
Freedom House

Enver Hoxha's communist regime lasted 45 years, leaving unstudied long-term consequences in the Albanian society. Still today, after 26 years of transition, the path of democratization of Albania remains unclear. Albania has been for more than four decades under one of the most isolated communist regimes in Europe. The transition from a communist totalitarian state to a democratic state is still incomplete even after 26 years since the fall of communism. Annual reports carried out by Freedom House noted a delay in the processes of democratic governance in Albania. In these reports, since 2007, based on the democratic indicators, Albania is defined as e hybrid regime. The aim of this paper is to argue that one of the reasons delaying democratization is the missing detachment, or the non-separation from the mentality of communist past. The methodology of this paper is qualitative nature, based on the international philosophical and political science literature. Also the author has studied countries, who have had similar experiences of totalitarian regimes and who later embraced democracy. This paper attempts to explain, that the bad governance is linked to the anti-democratic character of governance in Albania. Throughout Eastern Europe, Albania was the most radical, on the adaptation of Stalinist totalitarianism type, and nevertheless still today, is not seeking punishment of crimes of communism and has not implemented a law on lustration. The past can become an obstacle to the future when is not studied, recognized and confronted with.

Types of Solidarity in a Hybrid Regime: The Hungarian Case

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
István Grajczjár ◽  
Zsófia Nagy ◽  
Antal Örkény
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Hungarian Society ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Hungarian Case ◽  
People’S Attitudes ◽  
Hybrid Regime

Abstract Our aim in this article is to show the stance on solidarity present in a hybrid regime. Taking Hungary as an example, we give individual-level explanations for attitudes towards solidarity and inclusion/exclusion in times when populist parties are in power. By creating typical solidarity groups, we explain who belongs to different solidarity clusters and why, what political orientations can be linked to solidarity groups and whether people's attitudes reflect the values/solidarity conceptions propagated by the Orbán government. With this, we point to the social and political polarization of Hungarian society. We found that the appreciated, satisfied and politically trustful far-right exclusive groups – independent of their social status – make up not only the majority of society but also the crucial system-justifying basis of the Orbán regime. However, in an ethnically rather homogeneous society foreigners could be seen as cultural and economic threats to the decisive majority, including a significant part of the inclusive groups.

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