scholarly journals The Analyses of the Idelogy and History of National Outlook Movement in Turkey

Author(s):  
Namig MAMMADOV

This article examines and analyzes the history of the formation and development of the National Outlook Movement in Turkey, its ideology and social base and the main driving forces, as well as the main political parties and their activities. The article also analyzes the historical circumstances that influenced the formation and development of the movement, including the role of the movement's leader, prominent scientist and researcher, professor Najmeddin Erbakan, as well as the reasons for his entry into the political arena and its consequences. The role of N. Erbakan in the political life of Turkey was investigated and tried to be evaluated. It was noted that, the main ideology of the National Outlook parties is a free market economy without interest, the strengthening of production, the establishment of a just society in which basic human rights are protected, and so on.The first openly political Islamist political party in Turkish history was the National Order Party, formed on January 30, 1970. However, the party did not last long and was closed in 1971 by a decision of the Constitutional Court. Instead, party representatives formed the National Salvation Party in October 1972. This party, like all other political parties in Turkey, was closed after the 1980 coup. However, it became a partner of the government for the first time, and one of the most important decisions of this government was send of Turkish forces to Cyprus.With the permission of the National Security Council, the Welfare Party (WP) was formed in 1983 under the leadership of Ahmet Tekdal, representing the same direction. After the lifting of political bans, N. Erbakan was re-elected party leader. The 1990s marked a new stage in the development of the National Outlook movement. The Welfare Party's reputation began to rise. In the 1995 elections, the party won 21 percent of the vote. In 1996, N. Erbakan formed a coalition government with the True Path Party, led by Tansu Chiller. This government resigned as a result of the February 28 process, and the party was dissolved. The members of the party formed the Virtue Party. Disagreements between innovative and conservative groups within the party led to the formation of two political parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Felicity Party, after the party was dissolved in 2001.

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vahram Petrosian

AbstractThe article examines the question of the Assyrian identity; certain problems pertaining to the history of the Assyrian-Kurdish relationships; the problem of the Assyrian autonomy; the role of the political parties of the Iraqi Assyrians; the status of the Assyrians in Iraqi Kurdistan; the Assyrians after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, and several other issues.


1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henryk Wereszycki

The question of whether the Poles were an integrating or a disintegrating factor within the Habsburg monarchy has yet to be fully studied by Polish historians. Up to now they have concerned themselves mainly with the part played by the Austrian empire in the history of the Polish nation after the eighteenth century partitions and have overlooked the role of the Poles in the Austrian empire. They have concentrated their attention on the fate of the territories of the historic Polish state which fell under Habsburg rule and have studied the social, cultural, and political transformations which affected Galicia during the century and a half of Austrian domination. Polish historians have even studied the contributions made by former Habsburg subjects to the reconstruction of the Polish state after the dissolution of the monarchy, but they have rarely discussed the part which the Poles took in the political life of the multinational empire.


Author(s):  
T. Kayirken ◽  

In the article the political, economic and cultural changes that took place in the Altai area in the epoch, in which the ancient Turks lived and founded the Kaganate (V-VIII centuries BC). For this, first of all, different ethnic groups (Gaoshae, Dinlin, Togyz Oguz, Basmyl) that inhabited Altai and its surroundings on the eve of the Turkic Era, their ethnic relations with the Blue Turks, migration, and political ties were considered. At the same time, attaching great importance to the legends and stories about the origins of the development and statehood of the Blue Turks, their first Turkic Kaganate, which created the Altai Mountains Central, and its division into two wings East-West, the relations of the West Turkic Kaganate and East Turkic Kaganate with the Tang empire were investigated. The geopolitical position of the Altai region in these historical processes is reflected. This is due to the fact that the Altai region plays a leading role in world historical processes. Three great empires that had an active influence on world history were first established in Altai and were widely spread from it. They are the empires of the Huns, the Blue Turks and the Genghis Khan. It is certainly no coincidence that all these empires could become the mainstay of Altai and influence the world. The article stresses the role and place of the Altai in the spiritual life of Turkic peoples, especially its paramount importance, by a careful examination of various situations characteristic only of the Turkic epoch. The first part deals with the role of Altai in a historical stage of Türks. For the first time it is analyzed as a unified historical and geographical region in the northeastern part of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang province of the PRC), where Bogd, Bayt and Altai mountains, Altai and Mountain Altai, as well as Sayan and Oypsei lowlands are located. This is the Altai area that we are constantly talking about. The article reveals the spiritual, economic and political role of the Altai Mountains in the formation of the state and their influence on the outside world and the prosperity of the Turks in the centre of this immense expanse. To that end great importance was attached to historical and geographical signs reflected in the legends about the origin of Türks, recorded in such historical sources of China as «The History of northern khanates», «The book of Chzhou», and «The book of Sui». All these data testify that ancient Türks inhabited in the subsequent half of V century BC from Northern foothills of Gaochan (Idikut) up to the Altai Mountains and its suburbs. So what were the earlier names and where did the Turks walk? To answer that question in the second part of the article we will briefly outline the history of several ethnic groups that formed the Türks. They are Dinlin, Gaoshe, Basmyl and Togyz Oguz, who since ancient times inhabited Altai and established their state one by one. Their entry onto the historical scene, interrelationship, migration, and cultural and economic development in chronological order are investigated in the article. The third section was devoted to the study of political events that took place in Altai during the time of the Turkic Kaganate. In the middle of VI century, the Turks grew out of the Telians that inhabited Altai. They were the Sueyantuo (xueyantuo), Dieleer (Dieleer), Shipan (Shipan), and Daqi (Daqi), inhabiting southwest of the Altai Mountains among 41 tribes stretching widely from Lake Baikal to the river Volga, in the south to the Jetkabyga (northern foothills of Tien Shan), which are mentioned in the «Book of Sui». In 546 other tribes of the Teli, who captured Oguzes, united and went on the offensive against Juzhans. The Tyumen Kagan started the subjugated Teli tribes, ruined them on the road, and took over 50 thousand rubles. From that moment their force increased. The article also emphasized that during the Türkic Kaganate Altai was a centre, and then a border of the Eastern and Western Türkic Kaganates, and the events that took place there affected each side. At the same time the major events that took place in Altai and influenced the political life of Western and Eastern Turkic Khaganates have been considered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Mirza Satria Buana

The establishment of the Indonesian Constitutional Court in 2003 signified the formation of a bridge between the judiciary and politics. Through its judicial review process, there is a more tangible presence of the judiciary and court in the political arena. The Court helps with addressing moral predicaments and influencing the products of the legislature. This paper discusses the shifting of the legal-politico paradigm, particularly relating to judicial leadership of the Court because this significantly affects the role of the Court in the political arena. The history of the establishment of the Court’s authority in judicial review is explored through a stylised analysis of the actions of two early Chief Justices. This paper also examines two Court decisions which illustrated the Court’s authority on judicial review because they demonstrated the importance of policy-driven decisions and judicial restraint. The main argument of this work is that it is hard to categorize the legal-politico actions of the Indonesian Court into either legalism or instrumentalism. Often, the Court synthesises the two. The legal-politico paradigm is a dynamic one. The most feasible model of the Indonesian Constitutional Court is that of a Principled Instrumentalist Court, where policy decisions guide the formation of legislation according to constitutional values, but the judges maintain prudential self-restraint.


The results of the parliamentary elections of 2019 in the Republic of Moldova and the features of the structure of the state power vertical are analyzed. Using mathematical methods, the results of the parliamentary elections were also analyzed, the main determinants of the prevailing political processes, the key regions of the main political forces were determined, the general political landscape of the republic was clarified and investigated, its main laws were determined. The problematic issues of the political life and structure of the Republic of Moldova were examined. The features of the electoral legislation of the country are established. The properties of the main political parties of the republic are analyzed. Some features of the course of the national election process are highlighted. The features of the main political parties, their electoral field, ideological orientation, the history of formation and inter-party relations are considered. The factors of influence on the will of Moldovan voters are investigated. In addition, an effective number of parties has been established in the Moldovan parliament. The configurations of potential coalitions in the Parliament of the Republic of Moldova are analyzed. The ethnic component in the political life of the country is clarified. The role of the regional factor in the electoral process is emphasized. The spatial and electoral similarity of parties in the 2019 parliamentary elections was determined. The features of the functioning of the political system of the country are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the stability and capacity of possible coalitions and the success of potential coalition negotiations in general. The degree of regional homogeneity of the parties is clarified. The role of religion in the electoral process during the parliamentary elections of 2019 is determined. The results of mathematical calculations are analyzed and the results of the analysis are summed up.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
E. S. Dabagyan

This article is a political portrait of an extraordinary personality, the President of Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, who has travelled a long and very thorny path of transformation from a frantic fighter against a dictatorial regime to a man who actually became the country’s president for life. The author presents the methods by which Ortega achieved power and thereby ensured his political longevity. The author pays special attention to the role of Rosario Murillo, the politician’s wife, whose importance is growing in the internal political life of the state. The article provides an overview of the political history of the country in recent decades, the author also presents the peculiarities of Ortega’s biography and professional development. The author examines the stages of the party struggle in Nicaragua and the role of Ortega in this process. The author analyzes in detail the opinions of various experts regarding political events that took place in Nicaragua. The author traces and analyzes the main trends in economic development of Nicaragua, including cooperation with the Russian Federation. The author notes the role of Nicaragua in assisting the Russian Federation on the international arena. The author emphasizes the diversity of the spheres in which cooperation and interaction of the two countries is carried out.


Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo

This book investigates how Thailand's judges were tasked by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) in 2006 with helping to solve the country's intractable political problems—and what happened next. Across the last decade of Rama IX's rule, the book examines the world of Thai judges: how they were recruited, trained, and promoted, and how they were socialized into a conservative world view that emphasized the proximity between the judiciary and the monarchy. The book delves into three pivotal freedom of expression cases that illuminate Thai legal and cultural understandings of sedition and treason, before examining the ways in which accusations of disloyalty made against controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra came to occupy a central place in the political life of a deeply polarized nation. The book navigates the highly contentious role of the Constitutional Court as a key player in overseeing and regulating Thailand's political order before concluding with reflections on the significance of the Bhumibol era of “judicialization” in Thailand. In the end, under a new king, who appears far less reluctant to assert his own power and authority, the Thai courts may now assume somewhat less significance as a tool of the monarchical network.


Author(s):  
Vitaly Melnik

This scientific work was written because the theme of political parties is interesting to me. The reason for my interest in political parties is the relevance of this legal institution. As stated at the outset, it is the political parties that determine the political life of the state, and hence the economic and social life of the country. The purpose of my research is to study the degree of influence of political parties on the economy and social life, in the study of the essence of the influence of political parties on the life of the state. The scientific work examines the history of the emergence and development of political parties in Russia. In scientific work political parties of the Russian Federation, political parties of Latvia are considered, compared and correlated. Political systems of two different countries are compared and correlated. The purpose of this analysis is to identify the General rules and principles of development and existence of political parties.


Author(s):  
S.J.D. Green

This chapter explores the role of religion and the churches in British political life since 1800. It argues that during this period the British state gradually attempted to remove religious dispute from public life, and yet frequently failed to do so. The chapter examines a series of political problems posed by questions of religion and the churches, including nineteenth-century Ireland, the proliferation of diverse varieties of Christianity throughout the United Kingdom, the connections between religion and the political parties, and the challenges of secularization. It concludes that, even in a mostly secular country, British politics continues to be haunted by religion.


Author(s):  
الياس أبوبكر الباروني

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.


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