RCEP AS A TOOL FOR INTEGRATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION (APAC): DRIVING FORCES AND CONTAINING FACTORS

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anastasia Dermenzhi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Driving Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Slow Flow ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Global System ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership

Since the Asia-Pacific region became a world developed region, the issues of its future and the future of the global system have become closely related. The development of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership project appears to be an effort to lead the integration processes in the APAC. The article examines the slow flow of the initiative from ASEAN to China, the collision of the interests of the United States and China. The author describes the process of transformation of a partially hegemonic order and the formation of a multipolar relations system regional version.

The United States and the Asia-Pacific Region: Security Strategy for the Obama Administration

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph A. Cossa ◽  
Brad Glosserman ◽  
Michael A. McDevitt ◽  
Nirav Patel ◽  
James Przystup ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Obama Administration

scholarly journals ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT OF ARCTIC LIQUEFIED NATURAL GAS SUPPLIESTO THE ASIAN-PACIFIC REGION COUNTRIES UNDER THE END OF THE “TRADE WAR” BETWEEN THE USA AND CHINA

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (2/2020) ◽  
pp. 12-21
Author(s):  
M. V. Ulchenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Growth Rate ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Liquefied Natural Gas ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Russian Arctic ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region

Currently, the Asia-Pacific market is a priority goal for almost all major producers of liquefied natural gas(LNG). This is due to the relatively high price that local consumers are willing to pay, as well as the accelerated growth rate of natural gas consumption. At the same time, China is the main driver of growth in demand for LNGin the world, has concluded a trade agreement with the United States, which involves the purchase of energy resources worth more than $ 52 billion over two years. Given the decline in LNG prices, as well as increased competition, the issue of the prospects for sales of Russian Arctic gas on the market of the Asia-Pacific region becomes particularly relevant.The study provides a generalized assessment of the needs of the main importers of LNG ––China, South Korea and Japan, with a planning horizon of 4–5 years. The relatively high growth rates of the economy, partial rejection of nuclear energy, struggle to improve the environmental situation, as well as the desire to diversify supply routes explain the needs of the countries in the Asia-Pacific region for additional volumes of LNGin the near future. The analysis showed that both Japan and South Korea are interested in increasing the volume of imports of Russian arctic LNG, whose key advantages over most competitors are the price and relative proximity of sales markets. At the same time, the reduction in the number of operating gas drilling rigs in the United States indicates that it will not be possible to maintain the growth rate of LNG production at the level of 2018 and 2019.

scholarly journals United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (27) ◽  
pp. 96-106
Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Republic

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.

Stuck Between Two Allies

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-237
Author(s):  
Terence Roehrig
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
Maritime Disputes

Abstract The Asia-Pacific region is home to numerous island and maritime disputes but the Dokdo/Takeshima dispute is unique in that it involves two u.s. allies placing Washington in a uncomfortable position. u.s. policy has long been that it takes no position on sovereignty and will abide by any negotiated resolution of the dispute. Yet when tensions have flared between South Korea and Japan over the issue, there have often been calls for the United States to intervene and help solve the problem. However, any u.s. attempt to exert its leverage to reach a solution would be dangerous. Instead, Washington’s best course of action is to quietly remind both sides of their common economic and security interests while helping Seoul and Tokyo to manage the dispute in a careful and judicious manner.

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