scholarly journals Democracy and Political Marketing in Nigeria: 2015, The Critical Turning Point

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Akinola Olanrewaju Olugbenga ◽  
William Heuva

Nigeria’s current democratic dispensation which started in 1999 entered its sixteenth year with the general elections held between March 28 and April 11, 2015. This study takes a retrospective look at Nigeria’s democratic journey since independence, with particular emphasis on the 2015 Presidential elections won by the opposition All Progressive Congress’ (APC) candidate, General Mohammadu Buhari. The processes leading to the 2015 general elections; its results and reactions to the results and the electoral process are reviewed from the political marketing perspective. Survey, observation and review of relevant literature formed the body of data for the study. The study submits that market-oriented strategy is starting to evolve in Nigeria and also that the country has reached a critical juncture in her democratic journey and she cannot afford to slide back.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Nweke ◽  
Eunice Etido-Inyang

This research examines the impact of political apathy on electoral participation in Nigeria and South Africa in the 2019 general elections. The paper determined the causes of political apathy, its impact on the electoral process as well as its trend (voter turnout) in the general elections of 2019 in Nigeria and South. This research was borne out of the need to address the increasing rate of political apathy, especially voter turnout in both democratic nations. The research argued that the causes of political apathy, particularly poor voter turnout in the two countries are attributable to political marginalisation, corruption, lack of trust in the electoral process, political violence and militarisation of the electoral system. The research further found that there is no significant difference in the nature and trend of the political apathy (voter turnout) in both countries. The Rational Choice Theory (Downs, 1957) and the Democratic Deprivation Theory (Ebenezer, 2017) were used to theoretically justify the potentials of political apathy in undermining democratic participation. This study used descriptive research design to determine the impact of political apathy on the 2019 national elections in both countries. Trends and nature of political apathy, particularly voter turnout in the two countries were ascertained using secondary data and the analysis was based on content analysis in view of the historical trends and nature of the research. The research concluded that there is an obvious decline in political participation in both countries due to lack of trust in the electoral process, among others, which has largely undermined the interest of the electorate in the political systems of both countries. This research, therefore, recommends that political elite in both countries should be transparent, honest, responsible and responsive in order to encourage voter turnout in both countries at future national elections. A free, fair and credible electoral process, the study also recommended, would help rebuild citizens’ confidence in both countries’ electoral processes.


Author(s):  
Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale

From May 29 1999, Nigeria joined the comity of ‘democratic’ nations once again, with the commencement of the Fourth Republic. Whereas, democracy is expected to be a platform for order, fairplay, justice, equality, the protection of human rights, etc., Nigeria’s democracy has, however, not been devoid of violence, which invariably seemingly negates its very essence. Focusing on happenings during the 2007 general elections, the paper investigates the political instrumentalization of violence in Ibadan, Nigeria. Both secondary and primary data were collected for the study through the review of relevant literature and oral interview with selected political actors identified through purposive sampling method. The signal that political events in Ibadan show is that of a pseudo-democratic system ‘sustained’ by violence rather that one primarily aimed at improving the welfare of the people. It is a system the political class craves for in order to gain access to state resources to finance patronage, patrimonialism and for personal gains. This is why violence has to be used to silence the opposition and actualize primitive and exploitative acquisition. Thus, what the 2007 General Elections have brought forth for Ibadan in particular, and Oyo state in general, is a system sustained by hoodlums for the sake of the political class and not the electorate.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Tong Zhihui

Abstract This paper attempts to look beyond the currently ideologically-charged interpretations of the turning point during the Wukan Incident and instead seeks to trace its real causes. Soon after the top-level authorities stepped in to deal with the Incident, we quickly witnessed the rapid process of turning the Incident around, set in motion by five types of measures/mechanisms. Firstly, their direct involvement, breaking up the immediate standoff between the local government and the villagers. Secondly, determining that the Incident was, by nature, about interests, thus dispelling the political nature of the Incident. Thirdly, positioning themselves on the side of the people, thus easing the contentious nature of the Incident. Fourthly, adopting a combination of both leniency and stringency to dispel confrontational sentiment amongst the organizers. Finally, releasing the detained villagers and returning the body of Xue Jinbo, relieving the blanket of grief that had enveloped the village during the contention. These measures were in keeping with the belief of the organizers that the top-level authorities were both more willing than the local government to solve their problems, and more able. This paper opens a new avenue for beginning to develop our understanding of government behavior during contentious politics. It is also an attempt to make up for the present ‘omission of the state,’ which is one of the weaknesses of existing research on contentious politics in reform-era China


Author(s):  
Monica Patrut

The phenomenon of social media has drawn the attention of the specialists from the political marketing because it contributes quickly and efficiently to the increase of the political product’s visibility and appeals to its supporters for content creation and viral promotion of the political messages. In addition, the candidate can communicate directly with the citizens and may involve them in creating virtual communities. In our study we briefly present the way in which social media was used, timidly at first, during the campaign for the 2008 parliamentary elections, for the 2009 presidential elections and for the 2012 local and parliamentary elections. The importance of social media increased during the 2012 Romanian presidential impeachment referendum and contributed decisively to rallying voters to go to the polls and, implicitly, to the Klaus Iohannis’s victory in the 2014 presidential elections. We have focused especially on Facebook, as social network, because it has managed to attract the largest number of users in Romania. The success of the 2.0 political actors does not imply (only) to use the network as an alternative news channel, but especially to establish the bidirectional connection and constant interaction with virtual friends.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 909-926
Author(s):  
Giovanni de Ghantuz Cubbe

The two general elections held in Italy in 2013 and 2018 were particularly significant: While the anti‑systemic Five Star Movement and the Lega were hugely successful, established parties such as Forza Italia and Partito Democratico fell behind . Numerous scholars regarded the election results as a signal of a radical turning point in Italian politics . However, such an interpretation seems to undervalue the persistence of a number of traditional features within the Italian political system . Taking into consideration the main systemic characteristics over the last 30 years, it is apparent that the rise of the Five Star Movement and the Lega did not radically modify Italian politics . Both parties are a consequence as well as a catalyst of the political crisis and of the Italian “infinite transition” that began in 1992 .


Author(s):  
Hilary Radner ◽  
Alistair Fox

Raymond Bellour explains why he returned to a preoccupation with cinema in general, and the spectator in particular, and how he came to write Le Corps du cinéma, emphasizing his interest in the diverse dispositifs represented by Foucault’s Panopticon on one hand, and by the phenomena of panoramas and phantasmagorias on the other. He describes how his discovery of Daniel Stern’s The Interpersonal World of the Infant marked a critical turning point, leading him to explore an analogy between the infant and a spectator watching a film in the cinema – an analogy that enabled him to break with the psychoanalytic model, reflected in his eventual substitution of the notion of the body for that of the text.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-32
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule

General elections in Nigeria are often controversial and are perceived as elections with challenges and issues of legitimacy because of irregularities and malpractices that bedevilled the process of the elections’ conduct. The 2019 General Election is anticipated to be an election of greater interest and challenges accruing to the permutation of many factors that are manifesting currently within the political arena of Nigerian politics. This paper is a succinct examination of the predictive analysis of the prospects and the challenges that the 2019 General Election might produce. The problem is that despite the significant improvement recorded in the 2015 General Election, there are still challenges that are yet to be addressed in the electoral process. The paper is a descriptive and analytical work which relies on the use of secondary data such as books, journals and internet sources for data collection. The data collected was analysed using thematic analytical interpretations. The paper discovered that the 2019 General Election would be less challenging than the immediately previous one due to a weak opposition but some of the hitches that were encountered before might likely reoccur particularly the efficiency of the card readers and the violation of electoral regulations in addition to money politics. The paper recommends that the electoral body should re-strategised in making the smart card readers effective and the body needs to be vigilant in monitoring parties’ and candidates’ financial activities right from now in order to ensure compliance, transparency and a fair election. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-30
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Suberu ◽  
Sherif Yusuf

Democracy in Nigeria is characterised by corruption, irregularities and injustice. The level of political hostility in the country has resulted in loss of lives and properties and as a result, there have been hindrances to peace and national development to prevail in Nigeria. Hence, the ugly political developments have generated a lot of concerns and questions such as what are the causes of the political unrest in Nigeria? Is democracy really paying off as a political system in Nigeria?  What has been the result of democracy in Nigeria?  Can there be a better political system in Nigeria? If so, can Islamic political system fulfil the longing of Nigerians? Answers to these questions shall form the body of this research. The research discovers the absence of fairness in the electoral process and bad governance in Nigeria. This research reveals the flaws in effectiveness of democracy as a system of government in Nigeria. It proposes adopting an alternative model of governance. Lastly, this research contemplates the Islamic political model for a better Nigeria.


Author(s):  
A. Gronsky

After the Byelorussian presidential elections in 2020, there was a turning point in the Ukrainian- Byelorussian relations, but there were almost no changes in the sphere of economic cooperation. In the first half of 2020, Byelorussia and Ukraine actively cooperated in the economic sphere. Minsk's resistance to integration with Russia was supported by Ukraine. Kiev also depended on fuel supplies from Byelorussia. Despite the political confrontation that began in August 2020, Minsk and Kiev have maintained stable economic relations. In the first half of 2021, political antagonism intensified. However, this situation did not have a clear negative impact on the economic relations between Byelorussia and Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


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