scholarly journals RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Vladislav L. Gorfin ◽  
Alexander M. Rybakov

In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led. The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts. The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed. Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.

Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.


Author(s):  
James R. Watson

On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).


2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrea Lawrence

Writing from her position as the Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) Superintendent at the Potrero School on the Morongo (Malki) reservation in southern California in 1909, Clara D. True concluded an article on her experiences as an Anglo teacher working with American Indian populations in the United States: The more one knows of the Indian as he really is, not as he appears to the tourist, the teacher, or the preacher, the more one wonders. The remnant of knowledge that the Red Brother has is an inheritance from a people of higher thought than we have usually based our speculation upon. It is to be regretted that in dealing with the Indian we have not regarded him worthwhile until it is too late to enrich our literature and traditions with the contribution he could so easily have made. We have regarded him as a thing to be robbed and converted rather than as a being with intellect, sensibilities, and will, all highly developed, the development being one on different lines from our own as only necessity dictated. The continent was his college. The slothful student was expelled from it by President Nature. Physically, mentally, and morally, the North American Indian before the degradation at our hands was a man whom his descendants need not despise.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
CAMILA FERREIRA PUREZA DE OLIVEIRA

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Através de documentos oficiais e de notícias de jornais analisou-se a política externa do Estado Novo de Getúlio Vargas durante as negociações e construção da Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional de 1940-1946. Constatou-se a relevância do empenho do embaixador Carlos Martins nas negociações para obtenção de recursos financiados pelos Estados Unidos para a construção da CSN. Pelos documentos analisados, percebeu-se não só o interesse dos EUA em acatar aos desejos brasileiros naquela conjuntura da II Guerra, como também como o governo Vargas soube tirar partido desse momento para alcançar o objetivo pretendido.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Política Externa brasileira; Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; Governo Vargas.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Making use of official documents and newspapers, it was analyzed the foreign policy of Estado Novo of Getúlio Vargas during the negotiations and construction of Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional from 1940 to 1946. It was established the relevance ambassador Carlos Martins’ engagement on negotiations in order to obtain resources funded by the United States to the construction of CSN. Through the analyzed documents, it was noticed not only the North-American interests in heeding the Brazilian desires on the circumstances of II World War, but also how Vargas’s government knew how to take advantage of this moment to reach the intended aim.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Brazilian Foreign Policy; Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; Vargas’s Government.</p>


Author(s):  
Nataliia Y. Zhukovskaya

An analysis of various interpretations of the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” in the context of the development of Canadian foreign policy in the late 19th – first half of the 20th centuries is presented. The relevance of the work is due to the need to study the interaction of the Atlantic powers in historical dynamics, with an emphasis on the origins of the development of the “North Atlantic triangle”. Based on the classic works of Canadian historians and the works of modern researchers, the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” is analyzed through three main ideas: the “bookkeeper’s puzzle”, the idea of “counterweight” and the idea of a “bridge” or “linchpin”. It is concluded that the development of Canadian national interests began long before Canadians recognized themselves as a nation and gained the ability to pursue an independent foreign policy. This process was largely determined by a specific relationship between two centers of gravity: Great Britain and the United States. Canada was the weakest side of this construct, therefore, for reasons of security and the preservation of its own interests, it developed certain scenarios of relations with the Atlantic partners. Depending on historical circumstances, the emphasis in these scenarios was different. That is why interpretations of the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” often differ depending on the subject content and chronological boundaries of a particular study. However, it has been proven that the main goal setting of Canadian foreign policy priorities – to ensure their own security and derive maximum benefit from relations within the “North Atlantic Triangle”, skillfully smoothing out contradictions and maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States – remained unchanged.


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