Jungle pirate radio and hype

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
1986 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-40
Author(s):  
Glyn Davis

Three companies and one trustee own all the major Irish daily newspapers, though there are a number of independent weekly and regional publications. The state, through the Radio Telefis Eireann (the RTE, a public service broadcasting organisation modelled on the BBC but largely funded through advertising), runs all radio and television stations. At least, the state runs all official radio, for since the late 1970s several pirate radio stations have operated from Dublin. The government of Garret FitzGerald has promised to legitimise these stations through new broadcasting legislation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex de Lacey

Grime music is an Afrodiasporic performance form originating in London. While artists such as Stormzy and Skepta are now international stars, its gestation took place within a grounded network of record shops, radio stations and raves. This article argues for grime pirate radio’s role as both an oppositional channel and site of creative practice. Based on empirical work undertaken from 2017 to 2019 in London’s grime scene, it demonstrates how artists harness radio’s communicative power to engender a Black counterpublic, before outlining a framework for creative agency: afforded by a network of stations and practitioners; made meaningful through its community of listeners; and realized through improvisatory practice. Existing studies focusing on pirate radio often present these fora as domains for dissemination. In grime, however, its creative function highlights the potentiality of radio as a performance medium: a space for quotidian belonging and co-presence, but also for musical development and grassroots practice.


Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (77) ◽  
pp. 109-120
Author(s):  
Tom Cordell ◽  
Malcolm James

1990s Britain was under Thatcherite continuity rule. But radio waves were appearing that carried fragments of the future: weekend broadcasts of a new kind of music - Jungle - were being illegally beamed across the city from the rooftops of tower blocks, appropriating them as the locus of an alternative cultural infrastructure. Pirate stations used newly emerging technologies to spread subversive sounds from the margins and to challenge dominant cultures.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Grimmelmann

2012 University of Illinois Law Review 405 (2012)In 2000, a group of American entrepreneurs moved to a former World War II anti-aircraft platform in the North Sea, seven miles off the British coast, and launched HavenCo, one of the strangest start-ups in Internet history. A former pirate radio broadcaster, Roy Bates, had occupied the platform in the 1960s, moved his family aboard, and declared it to be the sovereign Principality of Sealand. HavenCo's founders were opposed to governmental censorship and control of the Internet; by putting computer servers on Sealand, they planned to create a "data haven" for unpopular speech, safely beyond the reach of any other country. This article tells the full story of Sealand and HavenCo - and examines what they have to tell us about the nature of the rule of law in the age of the Internet.The story itself is fascinating enough: it includes pirate radio, shotguns and .50-caliber machine guns, rampant copyright infringement, a Red Bull skateboarding special, perpetual motion machines, and the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of State. But its implications for the rule of law are even more remarkable. Previous scholars have seen HavenCo as a straightforward challenge to the rule of law: by threatening to undermine national authority, HavenCo was implacably opposed to all law. As the fuller history shows, however, this story is too simplistic. HavenCo also depended on international law to recognize and protect Sealand, and on Sealand law to protect it from Sealand itself. Where others have seen HavenCo's failure as the triumph of traditional regulatory authorities over HavenCo, the article argues that in a very real sense, HavenCo failed not from too much law but from too little. The "law' that was supposed to keep HavenCo safe was law only in a thin, formalistic sense, disconnected from the human institutions that make and enforce law. But without those institutions, law does not work, as HavenCo discovered.


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