scholarly journals Contracting a Radical Democracy in the Balkans - The Return of the People as a Possibility for a Leftist Inauguration of Politics

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Artan Sadiku
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Radical Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Event ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
The People ◽  
The Will

My aim is to strengthen the argument against the dereliction of the notion of democracy – as it has resulted in the Balkans and elsewhere and to provide a thesis that a radical political change in the Balkans requires the occurrence of a political event by which a new social contract can establish itself as a genuine expression of the will of the people, or more precisely a new mode of state as a result of a new balance of class antagonisms. Reaffirming the notion of the people against its political correlative – the citizen, I aim to prove that the ‘return of the people’ – as concept is crucial for the radicalization of the concept of democracy which enables the leftist politics to be inaugurated into the political proper. Author(s): Artan Sadiku Title (English): Contracting a Radical Democracy in the Balkans - The Return of the People as a Possibility for a Leftist Inauguration of Politics Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer 2015) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje  Page Range: 67-88 Page Count: 13 Citation (English): Artan Sadiku, “Contracting a Radical Democracy in the Balkans - The Return of the People as a Possibility for a Leftist Inauguration of Politics,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer 2015): 67-88.

scholarly journals Porcelain Fear

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-57
Author(s):  
Tatjana Greif
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
Lgbt People

The article is a short consideration about different faces of fear and its abuse for suppressing the society – about the political fear from non-obedient citizens, the fear of citizens from corporative state, the fear of people from other people, and between people. LGBT people are both representing fear to the others and they suffer the phobia of the society. The article is about how in the Balkans a small porcelain figurine can become a threat just with a hint of lesbianism. Author(s): Tatjana Greif Title (English): Porcelain Fear Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje  Page Range: 55-57 Page Count: 3 Citation (English): Tatjana Greif, “Porcelain Fear,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 10, No. 1-2 (Summer-Winter 2013): 55-57.

Communal Democracy: The Social Contract and Confederalism in Rojava

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Knapp ◽  
Joost Jongerden
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Radical Democracy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Active Participant ◽  
Short Overview ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Idea

The article engages with the question of self-governance and its implications for the concept of citizenship in Rojava. A short overview of the historical development of the political idea of democratic autonomy applied in Rojava is given, a model that claims to be on the way to creating a stateless model of radical democracy whose realisation involves forms of emancipation of the citizen, from a subject of a state to an active participant. The social contract and the structure of self-governance in Rojava is examined from this perspective, and the conclusion drawn that citizenship, which has been seized by the statist model, is currently being reclaimed by the people in Rojava through democratic autonomy. The process of change of citizenship is being effected through participative action and self-education as acts of citizenship and aims to separate the idea of government from the idea of the state.

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

The Distribution of Emotions: Affective Politics of Emancipation

Hypatia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brigitte Bargetz
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Feminist Theory ◽  
Affect Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
The Social

Currently, affect and emotions are a widely discussed political topic. At least since the early 1990s, different disciplines—from the social sciences and humanities to science and technoscience—have increasingly engaged in studying and conceptualizing affect, emotion, feeling, and sensation, evoking yet another turn that is frequently framed as the “affective turn.” Within queer feminist affect theory, two positions have emerged: following Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick's well‐known critique, there are either more “paranoid” or more “reparative” approaches toward affect. Whereas the latter emphasize the potentialities of affect, the former argue that one should question the mere idea of affect as liberation and promise. Here, I suggest moving beyond a critique or celebration of affect by embracing the political ambivalence of affect. For this queer feminist theorizing of affective politics, I adapt Jacques Rancière's theory of the political and particularly his understanding of emancipation. Rancière takes emancipation into account without, however, uncritically endorsing or celebrating a politics of liberation. I draw on his famous idea of the “distribution of the sensible” and reframe it as the “distribution of emotions,” by which I develop a multilayered approach toward a nonidentitarian, nondichotomous, and emancipatory queer feminist theory of affective politics.

Laws, Liberties, and the Will of the People

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-177
Author(s):  
Sarah Mortimer
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Natural Law ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dutch Revolt ◽  
Development Of Resistance ◽  
The People ◽  
The Will ◽  
Role Of Religion

From the 1560s, tensions between Protestant and Catholics escalated and this was accompanied by a wave of writing on political and religious ideas, especially in France and the Netherlands. There was a renewed interest in the nature and origins of authority within the political sphere, particularly the importance of the ‘people’ and the ways in which their will could be both represented and controlled. This chapter considers some of the key texts of resistance theory written in the 1560s and 1570s, including Francogallia and the Vindiciae, Contra Tyrannos in France, and George Buchanan’s De Jure Regni apud Scotos in Scotland. Discussions of liberty and privileges in the Netherlands during the Dutch Revolt are also considered; here historically based arguments began to be supplemented by appeals to wider principles of morality and natural law. The election of Henry of Valois to the Polish throne provides one example of elective monarchy in practice. This chapter discusses the role of religion and of legal arguments in the development of resistance theories. It also highlights some of the practical and conceptual difficulties in appealing to popular sovereignty, especially in a period of deep confessional divisions, and shows how the authority of magistrates could be understood in different ways.

The Institutions of Deliberative Democracy

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Current Interest ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The People ◽  
The Will ◽  
Over Time

A theory of democratic institutions should provide us with a coherent combination of definition and justification. It should explain how it defines democratic institutions and also how they will or should function; but it also should explain why democracy, so understood, is desirable. We are all familiar with stories about the fiscal excesses to which democracies are prone, stories about the ignorance of voters, and stories about the venality of legislators. Some of us may also be suspicious of concepts such as “consent” or “the will of the people” associated with traditional arguments for democracy. Against this background, the current interest in deliberative democracy seems promising. This conception of democracy does not rely, for example, on the idea of rational and knowledgeable voters satisfying preferences they have independent of the political process. Nor does it rely on any notion of an independent popular will. Instead, it offers a picture of the democratic process as one in which men and women engage in constructive discussion, seeking a principled resolution of their differences and developing, over time, a conception of the terms on which they will live with one another.

The Concept of the Legislator in Rousseau's Social Contract

1970 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-196
Author(s):  
Harvey F. Fireside
Keyword(s):  
Social Contract ◽  
Motive Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Radical Reform ◽  
Human Element ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Good Order

Rousseau's injection of the human element onto the austere scene of politics drawn in Du Contrat Social comes as a surprise. This element, personified by the legislator in Chapter 7 of Book II, serves two purposes. It dramatizes the political forces in Rousseau's scheme for not the most perfect, but perhaps the best attainable, regime. As the contemporary condition of civic slavery called for radical reform, that is, a regeneration, man must reassure himself that the birth of a good order is possible by delving back to the foundation of government. In doing so man might also learn something about how and why it takes place. The second reason for introducing the legislator relates to the vital threefold functions he performs as the eyes, brain and motive force of the people.

scholarly journals Political Innovation as a Communicative Process: the receptivity of elites to innovations

Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
V. V. Tereshchenko
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Quality Index ◽  
The Political ◽  
Innovative Development ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Social Sciences And Humanities ◽  
Communicative Process ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Political Decisions

The paper is dedicated to the analysis of political innovations in the context of the general theory of innovation. The author defines the main scientific approaches used in social sciences and humanities to innovations, identifies the political features of the introduction of innovations, and, based on the examination of the problems of innovations introduction from the standpoint of political science, analyzes the role of Russian elites in the development of modern Russia. The study reveals the content of the concepts of innovation in the political sphere and political innovation, which are not that much the innovations per se, but the political processes determined by these innovations, as well as the associated political decisions and applied innovative political technologies. The article reveals the role of Russian elites in the innovative development of Russia, analyzes the susceptibility of Russian elites to innovations on the basis of the Elite Quality Index, and shows their ability to implement policies for the innovative development of Russia.

Epilogue

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen D. Engle
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Cause ◽  
National Community ◽  
State Expansion ◽  
The People ◽  
Meaningful Relationship ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Governmental Power ◽  
The Government

For all the rhetoric mourning Lincoln’s loss and acknowledging his greatness, Northerners had not forgotten their governors. The war had schooled citizens in governmental power and provided the impetus for state expansion in effecting social and political change. Governors had grown in prominence because they had been willing to accept the challenges necessary to preserve the Union. They managed the vast new organization that reflected a national community. Along the way they adapted to the political tug-of-war between civil and military authorities and between national and local interests that characterized the conflict. Even as soldiers entered the ranks through state regiments, the war had woven them together in a common cause that provided a sense of nationalism. Their experience engendered a more meaningful relationship between the citizen and the government, and, as much as they could, governors became conduits of information and communication. The ballot box made them accountable to the people in guiding them through the war’s vicissitudes....

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document