I Claim Not to Have Controlled Events

Author(s):  
Stephen D. Engle
Keyword(s):  

This chapter examines the spring elections and the Republican and National Union victories. It also explores the role governors played in assisting Lincoln with replenishing the ranks for the upcoming summer campaigns. It also describes the re-nomination of Lincoln and the impact that had on the northern populace and the northern soldier as well as the ongoing problems of enlisting slaves in the Union armies.

Author(s):  
Francis Atuahene

The diminishing financial resources and the growing demand for participation remain the biggest threat to higher education in Ghana. Cognizant of these quagmires and realizing the impact of higher education on national development, the National Union of Ghanaian Students proposed and the government established a special education trust fund called the Ghana Education Trust Fund bill (GETFund) in 2000. Despite these challenges, the GETFund is making significant contributions toward higher education development in Ghana in infrastructure, student development, faculty research, and staff support.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
R. H. (Bob) Fryer ◽  
Stephen Williams

This paper explores the impact of the decision by the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) in 1975 to revise its constitution to include elected reserved seats for women on its executive and other bodies. The analysis is situated within the context of women’s employment and trade-union representation in the UK at the time. Reserved seats for women were part of a wider restructuring of NUPE intended to extend democracy, incorporate the emergent system of shop stewards formally into its structure and government, provide for more effective representation and mobilization of different sections of members, and increase the accountability of full-time officials to lay members and their representatives. The initiative was successful; and although women’s participation in NUPE did increase, this was uneven. This was not entirely unexpected given the limited change initiated in just one haltingly democratizing trade union and the wider social and economic forces that constrain women.


Africa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 529-547
Author(s):  
Roger Southall

AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (7) ◽  
pp. 1220-1238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bull ◽  
Joanna Romanowicz ◽  
Neil Jennings ◽  
Marina Laskari ◽  
Graeme Stuart ◽  
...  

PurposeThis paper aims to present findings from an EU-funded international student-led energy saving competition (SAVES) on a scale previously unseen. There are multiple accounts of short-term projects and energy saving competitions encouraging pro-environmental behaviour change amongst students in university dormitories, but the purpose of this research is to provide evidence of consistent and sustained energy savings from student-led energy savings competitions, underpinned by practical action.Design/methodology/approachA mixed-methods approach (pre- and post-intervention surveys, focus groups and analysis of energy meter data) was used to determine the level of energy savings and quantifiable behaviour change delivered by students across participating university dormitories.FindingsThis research has provided further insight into the potential for savings and behaviour change in university dormitories through relatively simple actions. Whilst other interventions have shown greater savings, this project provided consistent savings over two years of 7 per cent across a large number of university dormitories in five countries through simple behaviour changes.Research limitations/implicationsAn energy dashboard displaying near a real-time leaderboard was added to the engagement in the second year of the project. Whilst students were optimistic about the role that energy dashboards could play, the evidence is not here to quantify the impact of dashboards. Further research is required to understand the potential of dashboards to contribute to behavioural change savings and in constructing competitions between people and dormitories that are known to each other.Social implicationsSAVES provided engagement with students, enabling, empowering and motivating them to save energy – focusing specifically on the last stage of the “Awareness, Interest, Desire, Action” framework. Automated meter reading data was used in the majority of participating dormitories to run near real-time energy challenges through an energy dashboard that informed students how much energy they saved compared to a target, and encouraged peer-to-peer learning and international cooperation through a virtual twinning scheme.Originality/valueFindings from energy saving competitions in universities are typically from small-scale and short-term interventions. SAVES was an energy-saving competition in university dormitories facilitated by the UK National Union of Students in five countries reaching over 50,000 students over two academic years (incorporating dormitories at 17 universities). As such it provides clear and important evidence of the real-world long-term potential efficiency savings of such interventions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 69 (5) ◽  
pp. 401-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine DeZelar-Tiedman

This article replicates a previous study that investigated the proportion of bibliographic records from the National Union Catalog Pre-1956 Imprints in the OCLC WorldCat database and expands it to search a similar-sized sample of records in the RLIN database as well. The author seeks to determine the impact that the merger of the RLIN and OCLC databases will have on the ability to locate catalog records for older materials, and whether there are still significant numbers of library materials for which there are no online bibliographic records. Entries for non-Roman language materials were not included in the study.


Author(s):  
Mark O'Brien

This chapter examines the development of trade unionism for journalists and the impact it had on professional solidarity by examining the development of the National Union of Journalists in Ireland, which established a Dublin branch in 1926. The union provided a focal point for the resolution of many issues affecting journalists and journalism including the protection of sources, free speech, and employment conditions. In 1947 the union secured the first industry-wide agreement between a journalists’ representative organisation and newspaper proprietors and from then the NUJ was central to understanding the development of journalism in Ireland.


Author(s):  
Joy K. Langston

The final chapter applies the argument based on the Mexican experience to other authoritarian regimes with strong parties that transitioned to democracy: Kenya and Taiwan. Kenya African National Union (KANU) practically disappeared because electoral rules allowed politicians to win elections without strong labels. In Taiwan, the Kuomintang survived and returned to power after two terms out of executive power, in large part because its divisions did not lead to fragmentation and because voters continued to support the label. Thus, the work’s argument: that party leaders must learn to garner electoral victories under democratic circumstances while avoiding the pressures to fragment, holds. Federalism, the mixed-member electoral system, and generous party financing all play a role in determining how electoral competition creates winners and losers within the party organization. These institutions also reduce the impact of the electoral opening on the party’s tendency to fragment.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Winterton

The proximate cause of the 1984–85 miners' strike, the longest mass strike in British history, was a round of colliery closures announced by the National Coal Board (NCB, now British Coal) in March 1984 as part of the restructuring of the British coal mining industry. The impact of pit closures upon communities is so immediate and devastating that the effect obscured the fundamental causes. The restructuring process had accelerated since 1979 because of the economic and energy policies adopted by Conservative governments, but had its origins in the Labour government's response to the 1973 oil shock and the tripartite settlement of the 1974 strike by the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). The 1974 Plan for Coal established an investment programme to expand coal production by three means: developing new mines; extending the life of existing collieries; and implementing new technologies. These supply-side measures were already underway when the first Thatcher government, elected in 1979, established new limits on publicsector spending and sought to liberalize markets.


Significance Since then, the movement has had an ambivalent relationship with the transitional government that took over in October, as some M5-RFP sided with the junta and others opposed it. Parts of the M5-RFP have threatened to resume protests in mid-May. Impacts Protests by the M5-RFP could amplify the impact of a threatened strike by the National Union of Malian Workers. Resistance from the M5-RFP could complicate plans to pursue a constitutional referendum, which had already failed under Keita in 2017. The M5-RFP’s calls to revise the 2015 Algiers Accord could cause unease among northern ex-rebels and France.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Russell

<p style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: 150%;"><span style="line-height: 150%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt;">Since their modern inception in 1896, the Olympics have grown in size and stature to become one of the most important mega-sport events. However, unlike other mega-sport events the Olympics has its own value-laden philosophy of “Olympism”, advocating sport as a vehicle for social change. This paper utilises Eric Batstone’s (1988) three-fold power schema of disruptive potential, labour scarcity and political influence to explore the impact of London 2012 on the power of the British unions. To achieve this, it draws on a comparative study of the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT) and the Musicians’ Union (MU). Based on findings generated from interviews and secondary-data analysis this paper will argue that the collective bargaining results of unions in the run-up to and during the 2012 Olympic Games were a reflection of the individual unions’ pre-existing power – those that had more disruptive, labour scarcity or political power prior to the Games were able to win more benefits for their members, whereas those with less were either less successful or did not succeed at all in their negotiations. In addition, when evaluating the power sources, an “Olympic factor” can be observed, which produces a differentiated impact on the power resources of the unions.</span></p>


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