scholarly journals The Tunisian Economics’ Situations After the Revolution of Arab Spring 2011

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Foued Sabbagh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Trade Deficit ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The Public ◽  
Negative Results ◽  
Phosphate Mine ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Revolution

The Tunisian economic facts after the so-called the Arab spring or social revolution have been marketed by numerous fluctuations and radical changes in the general situation of the management of the administrative affairs of the country. The most prominent of these facts, including the series of chaotic sit-ins and the political and security instability that has increased from 2011 to 2018, note in particular the emergence of the phenomenon of terrorism and assassinations. These negative results are too the expensive cost of the Tunisian national economy, which has been directed, affected by all vital sectors of the country’s economy, especially the tourism, trade and investment sectors. In addition, the increase in excessive wages during the first three years following the revolution and the increasing number of random sit-ins that led to the cessation of the production in the Gafsa phosphate mine and the failure to work for most of the public servants represented negative factors that led to a decline in productivity and an increase in the financial and trade deficit. Thus, the budget deficit and the accumulation of indebtedness represent the main obstacle to achieving social and economic stability.

scholarly journals The Tunisian Economics’ Situations after the Revolution of Arab Spring 2011

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Foued Sabbagh
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Trade Deficit ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The Public ◽  
Negative Results ◽  
Phosphate Mine ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Revolution

The Tunisian economic facts after the so-called the Arab spring or social revolution have been marketed by numerous fluctuations and radical changes in the general situation of the management of the administrative affairs of the country. The most prominent of these facts, including the series of chaotic sit-ins and the political and security instability that has increased from 2011 to 2018, note in particular the emergence of the phenomenon of terrorism and assassinations. These negative results are too the expensive cost of the Tunisian national economy, which has been directed, affected by all vital sectors of the country’s economy, especially the tourism, trade and investment sectors. In addition, the increase in excessive wages during the first three years following the revolution and the increasing number of random sit-ins that led to the cessation of the production in the Gafsa phosphate mine and the failure to work for most of the public servants represented negative factors that led to a decline in productivity and an increase in the financial and trade deficit. Thus, the budget deficit and the accumulation of indebtedness represent the main obstacle to achieving social and economic stability.

scholarly journals The Tunisian Economics’ Situations After the Revolution of Arab Spring 2011

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Foued Sabbagh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Trade Deficit ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The Public ◽  
Negative Results ◽  
Phosphate Mine ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Revolution

The Tunisian economic facts after the so-called the Arab spring or social revolution have been marketed by numerous fluctuations and radical changes in the general situation of the management of the administrative affairs of the country. The most prominent of these facts, including the series of chaotic sit-ins and the political and security instability that has increased from 2011 to 2018, note in particular the emergence of the phenomenon of terrorism and assassinations. These negative results are too the expensive cost of the Tunisian national economy, which has been directed, affected by all vital sectors of the country’s economy, especially the tourism, trade and investment sectors. In addition, the increase in excessive wages during the first three years following the revolution and the increasing number of random sit-ins that led to the cessation of the production in the Gafsa phosphate mine and the failure to work for most of the public servants represented negative factors that led to a decline in productivity and an increase in the financial and trade deficit. Thus, the budget deficit and the accumulation of indebtedness represent the main obstacle to achieving social and economic stability.

Mohamed el-Gheity’s Ward al-Ganāʾ in or The Rose Garden

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-198
Author(s):  
Mona F. Hashesh
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Rose ◽  
The Revolution

In the more than two years that have passed since the “post-Mubarak” era began, few plays have directly addressed the revolution that began in Egypt on 25 January 2011. A signifi cant exception among others is Mohamed el- Gheity’s Ward al-Ganāʾin or The Rose Garden (2011). Such plays have generally been commercially successful. Many Egyptians now think of themselves as revolutionaries; in the fi rst years of the Arab Spring, they liked to see revolution everywhere—in the streets, theater, newspapers, television—anywhere. Such responses from the public in turn upset the government, which often tries to stop such performances, and to allow only those theatrical entertainments that do not tackle political issues directly.

scholarly journals GCC Media Roles during the 2011 Arab Spring: An Analytical and Critical Overview

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah K. Al-Kindi
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gcc Countries ◽  
The Media ◽  
Contextual Characteristics ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Critical Overview

The central aim of this paper is to critically analyze the role of the media during public protests that occurred in the GCC countries during 2011. These protests were part of what came to be called the “Arab Spring”, which started in late 2010. Particular focus will be on how the Arab Spring resulted in fundamental changes and how various institutions played roles in this. The study draws on Gulf region literature about the Arab Spring in order to offer a critical and informed overview on the topic under discussion. The paper’s main question is: what are the main roles played by the GCC media (old/new) during the public protests of 2011? The paper argues that the role of the media in the 2011 protests, while important, was rather limited and affected by the unique contextual characteristics of the media environment in the GCC countries. 

The Society of the Digital Swarm

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-110
Author(s):  
Daniel Toscano López
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Digital Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Reality Principle ◽  
The Way

This chapter seeks to show how the society of the digital swarm we live in has changed the way individuals behave to the point that we have become Homo digitalis. These changes occur with information privatization, meaning that not only are we passive consumers, but we are also producers and issuers of digital communication. The overarching argument of this reflection is the disappearance of the “reality principle” in the political, economic, and social spheres. This text highlights that the loss of the reality principle is the effect of microblogging as a digital practice, the uses of which can either impoverish the space of people's experience to undermine the public space or achieve the mobilization of citizens against of the censorship of the traditional means of communication by authoritarian political regimes, such as the case of the Arab Spring in 2011.

scholarly journals Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy

2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
James B. Hoesterey
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Asian Financial Crisis ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Economic Stability ◽  
Ideal Model ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
East Indies ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Ideal

As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—of the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia’s democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “If you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women’s rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity. On 21 May 1998 Soeharto resigned after three decades of authoritarian rule. Despite fits of starts and stops, the democratic transition has brought political and economic stability. Whereas academics and pundits have debated the merits of the Indonesia model for democratic transition, in this article I consider how the notion of Indonesia as a model for the Arab Spring has reconfigured transnational Muslim networks and recalibrated claims to authority and authenticity within the global umma.An increasing body of scholarship devoted to global Muslim networks offers important insights into the longue durée of merchant traders and itinerant preachers connecting the Middle East with Southeast Asia. In his critique of Benedict Anderson’s famous explanation of “imagined communities” as the result of print capitalism within national borders, historian Michael Laffan argued that Indonesian nationalism had important roots in global Muslim networks connecting the Dutch East Indies with Cairo’s famous al-Azhar University.

Paradox of Globalization: New Arab Publics? New Social Contract?

2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 114-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leila DeVriese
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring

AbstractBecause social media is playing an irrefutable role in the Arab Spring uprisings the central question in this article is to what extent Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in general, and social media in specific, are contributing to the democratization of the public sphere and shifting the monopoly on agenda setting in the Arab Gulf, particularly in the case of Bahrain? How will these technologies continue to shape contentious politics in the Middle East and will their utility for democratizing and expanding the public sphere persist in the aftermath of the Arab Spring? Or will the increasing liberalization of media and freedom of expression that had preceded the Arab Spring experience a repressive backlash as authoritarian states attempt to clamp down on social and traditional media—or even harness them for their own purposes as seen by Facebook intimidation campaigns against activists in Bahrain last Spring. Finally—using the lens of social movement theory—what repertoires of contention and political opportunity structures will pro-democracy activists use to keep their campaigns alive? Activists in the Gulf have not only incorporated the ICTs into their repertoire, but have also changed substantially what counts as activism, what counts as community, collective identity, democratic space, public sphere, and political strategy. Ironically this new technology has succeeded in reviving and expanding the practice of discursive dialog that had once characterized traditional tribal politics in the Arabian Peninsula.

The European Union’s Public Diplomacy towards the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-138
Author(s):  
Marwa Fikry Abdel Samei
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
External Action ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Public ◽  
Normative Power ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Missed Opportunity

This article discusses the public diplomacy of the European Union (eu) towards the Arab Spring by focusing on the case of Egypt. It argues that despite its clear efforts, the eu’s response to the Arab Spring was a missed opportunity to establish Europe’s normative power. The eu has simply maintained its pre-Arab Spring policies. By analysing and comparing the content of the Facebook pages of both the eu delegation to Egypt and the European External Action Service (eeas) during the period from 14 October 2012 until 16 August 2013, the article demonstrates the differences between the messages and image presentations that were promoted in each page. Comparing these public diplomacy messages with specific eu policies reveals the gap between the words and deeds. The article explains this gap with reference to the discrepancy between Europe’s perception of the region, which results in certain policies, and its internal identity-building considerations.

scholarly journals The attitude of the Arab League from the Arab Spring Revolutions in North Africa.

2018 ◽  
Vol 225 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
Instructor Faisal Shallal Al-Mehdawi
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
The Third ◽  
Arab League ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Revolution

    Arab League position form a milestone of the revolution in the Arab region, especially in North Africa, was unsatisfying, blurred and hesitant in its direction to what is called variables (revolutions of the Arab Spring).  The paper is divided to four axes and the conclusions presented. the first axis deals with the Arab League's position on the revolution in Tunisia, e second axis is on the position of the Arab League in the revolution in Egypt occur, and the third axis is the Arab League's position on the revolution in Libya, finally, an analytical vision on the Arab League's position on the Arab revolution in North Africa is elaborated.

Copenhagen–Cairo on a roundtrip: A security theory meets the revolution

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 485-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maja Touzari Greenwood ◽  
Ole Wæver
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Theory Development ◽  
Western World ◽  
Egyptian Revolution ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Securitization Theory ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Do So ◽  
The Revolution

Although securitization theory has been applied worldwide, it has been accused of having only limited appositeness to the non-Western world. When the Centre for Advanced Security Theory began a collaboration with the Danish–Egyptian Dialogue Institute and the Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo in 2010, securitization theory was challenged on two levels: both through its employment to analyse and act politically in a Middle Eastern context, and through the attempt to do so during and after the Arab Spring, when the entire Egyptian security sector was being re-evaluated. These unique circumstances prompted reflections on the use of non-traditional and traditional security concepts, on how the Egyptian revolution could be understood through securitization theory, and on what the experiences of this project might mean for further theory development. This article discusses these points in the light of the Danish delegation’s experiences.

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