Network Monarchy as Euphoric Couplet

2021 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 549-565
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo

Since the publication of my article "Network monarchy and crises of legitimacy in Thailand" (Pacific Review, 2005), network monarchy has become an influential concept in the analysis of Thailand's politics. Though widely adopted, the argument has also spawned rival or complementary coinings, ranging from "autonomous political networks" (Joseph Harris) to "working towards the monarchy" (Serhat Uenaldi), and the "deep state" (Eugenie Mérieau), as well as the "parallel state" and the "monarchized military" (Paul Chambers and Napisa Waitoolkiat ). This article revisits the argument, elaborates on the meanings of the original term, and makes a case for network monarchy's continuing salience in the Tenth Reign.

Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter focuses on the role of the dominant player in conservative media, Fox News, during the first year of Donald Trump’s presidency. It looks at three case studies to illustrate how Fox News used its position at the core of the right-wing media ecosystem repeatedly to mount propaganda attacks in support of Trump: the Michael Flynn firing in March 2017, when Fox adopted the “deep state” framing of the entire controversy; the James Comey firing and Robert Mueller appointment in May 2017; when Fox propagated the Seth Rich murder conspiracy; and in October and November, when the arrests of Paul Manafort and guilty plea of Flynn seemed to mark a new level of threat to the president, Fox reframed the Uranium One story as an attack on the integrity of the FBI and Justice Department officials in charge of the investigation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-49
Author(s):  
Sri Budi Eko Wardani ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

In this article, we provide evidence suggesting that almost half (44 per cent) of female candidates elected to Indonesia’s national parliament in 2019 were members of political dynasties. Providing detailed data on the backgrounds of these candidates, including by party and region, we argue that several factors have contributed to their rise. Parties are increasingly motivated – especially in the context of a 4 per cent parliamentary threshold – to nominate candidates who can boost their party’s fortune by attracting a big personal vote. Members of political dynasties (especially those related to regional government heads and other politicians entrenched in local power structures) have access to financial resources and local political networks – increasingly important to political success in Indonesia’s clientelistic electoral system. We show that the rise of these dynastic women candidates is not eliminating gender bias within parties, but is instead marginalising many qualified female party candidates, including incumbents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089443932098756
Author(s):  
Marc Esteve Del Valle ◽  
Marcel Broersma ◽  
Arnout Ponsioen

A growing body of research has examined the uptake of social media by politicians, the formation of communication ties in online political networks, and the interplay between social media and political polarization. However, few studies have analyzed how social media are affecting communication in parliamentary networks. This is especially relevant in highly fragmented political systems in which collaboration between political parties is crucial to win support in parliament. Does MPs’ use of social media foster communications among parliamentarians who think differently, or does it result in like-minded clusters polarized along party lines, confining MPs to those who think alike? This study analyzes the formation of communication ties and the degree of homophily in the Dutch MPs’ @mention Twitter network. We employed exponential random graph models on a 1-year sample of all tweets in which Dutch MPs mentioned each other ( N = 7,356) to discover the network parameters (reciprocity, popularity, and brokerage) and individual attributes (seniority, participation in the parliamentary commissions, age, gender, and geographical area) that facilitate communication ties among parliamentarians. Also, we measured party polarization by calculating the external–internal index of the mentions. Dutch MPs’ communication ties arise from network dynamics (reciprocity, brokerage, and popularity) and from MPs’ participation in the parliamentary commissions, age, gender, and geographical area. Furthermore, there is a high degree of cross-party interactions in the Dutch MPs’ mentions Twitter network. Our results refute the existence of “echo chambers” in the Dutch MPs’ mentions Twitter network and support the hypothesis that social media can open up spaces for discussion among political parties. This is particularly important in fragmented consensus democracies where negotiation and coordination between parties to form coalitions is key.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342198906
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ichsan Kabullah ◽  
M. Nurul Fajri

This article focuses on electoral victories by wives of regional heads in West Sumatra province during Indonesia’s 2019 elections. We argue that these victories can be explained by the emergence of a phenomenon we label “neo-ibuism.” We draw on the concept of “state ibuism,” previously used to describe the gender ideology of the authoritarian Soeharto regime, which emphasised women’s roles as mothers ( ibu) and aimed to domesticate them politically. Neo-ibuism, by contrast, allows women to play an active role in the public sphere, including in elections, but in ways that still emphasise women’s roles within the family. The wives of regional government heads who won legislative victories in West Sumatra not only relied on their husbands’ political resources to achieve victories, but they also used a range of political networks to reach out to voters, in ways that stressed both traditional gender roles and their own political agency.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Komang Adi Sastra Wijaya

Studi ini merupakan analisis neo-institusionalisme terhadap permasalahan politik dinasti dalam kaitannya dengan perwujudan good governance di Kabupaten Tabanan. Sebagaimana diketahui bahwa pasca reformasi, Tabanan dipimpin oleh satu kelompok keluarga yang sama. Dengan berfokus pada sektor pelayanan kesehatan, studi ini akan melihat seberapa jauh politik dinasti memberi dampak terhadap sektor kebijakan publik dan perwujudan good governance. Secara umum, kebijakan pelayanan kesehatan yang ditempuh oleh pemerintah Kabupaten Tabanan adalah kebijakan non-populis. Pemkab  Tabanan lebih memilih membangun rumah sakit berstandar internasional dibandingkan dengan menyediakan layanan kesehatan gratis bagi warga miskin. Selama ini studi mengenai politik dinasti dan pengaruhnya terhadap sektor kebijakan publik di Tabanan dilihat sebagai permasalahan politis semata tanpa melihat kepada persoalan deep state structure, yakni fungsi normatif dan budaya di dalamnya. Studi ini menemukan bahwa terdapat pertentangan antara sociological instution, historical institution dengan rational choice institution dibalik kukuhnya politik dinasti dan pergumulan dalam mewujudkan good governance di Kabupaten Tabanan.  Kata kunci: Politik dinasti, good governance, neo-instutionalisme, kebijakan publik, Kabupaten Tabanan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 118-139
Author(s):  
Yuri Suvaryan

CIVILIZATION AND POLITOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF THE ORGANIZATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Logically, according to historical experience, the security of the statehood of each country (nation), the efficiency of public administration are conditioned by the degree of development of the political-state administrative thought and by the level of civilization achieved. If the former is inferior to the latter, then under the influence of that factor the efficiency of public administration is significantly reduced. The statehood, the fate of the people, the possibility of living safely in its homeland are endangered. Therefore, it is necessary to prioritize the increase of public administration efficiency, in particular, to introduce scientific principles in the system of state and local selfgovernment, to develop the political culture of the society and the level of analytical thinking, to attach essential importance to the training of personnel in the fields of political science, diplomacy, international law, to conduct scientific reasearch in those areas with the aim of using the results obtained in making strategic management decisions to clarify the distribution of powers between the branches of government, and to enshrine in the necessary restraint and counterbalance structure. The so-called deep state is a guarantee of state security, effective management in the conditions of generalization, a counterbalancing factor directing the activities of the civil society. In the Republic of Armenia such a role can claim the Armenian Apostolic Church, the intellectual-mature business elite, the high-ranking officers of the army and the National Security Service.


Author(s):  
I. Ponkin

The paper is devoted to the study of the concept and features of the ontology of the deep nation. The author shows the content of discussions on this topic. The article explains the relationship between the deep nation and the deep state. The article touches on the topic of the Russian people as a deep nation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 991-1011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashraf Hoque ◽  
Lucia Michelutti

This article explores the performances of a particular category of young men often derogatively referred to as“chamchas”(sycophants) who are using the art of making do(jugaad)by exploiting and bluffing links with powerful political networks and political parties, as well as friendships with strongmen and their criminal crews. Crucially, the comparative ethnography across India (western Uttar Pradesh) and Bangladesh (Sylhet) introduces readers to the “contact zone” where legality, semi-legality, and organized criminal systems meet. In so doing, the article unravels the working of the democratically elected “Mafia Raj.”


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