Wer wählt „Die PARTEI“? Eine empirische Analyse am Beispiel der Europawahl 2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 596-617
Author(s):  
Markus Klein
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Editorial Staff ◽  
West Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Current State ◽  
Empirische Analyse ◽  
To Come

The party “Die PARTEI” was founded in 2004 by editorial staff of the satirical magazine TITANIC and represents a cross-border satirical project: The PARTEI satirizes and carica­tures the existing parties and their personnel, while at the same time participating as a real party in real elections . However, it does not show any serious political aspirations . Based on data from official election statistics and on survey data, this article examines the question of who votes for the PARTEI: It shows that PARTEI voters are primarily young men up to the age of 35, who are often still studying and are somewhat more likely to come from East than West Germany . They are interested in politics, dissatisfied with the current state of German democracy, and politically left-wing . Their voting decision in favour of the PAR­TEI is primarily a vote of no confidence in the political and economic system of the Fed­eral Republic of Germany . PARTEI voters prefer voting for a satirical party instead of cast­ing an invalid vote .

scholarly journals Containing climate change: The new governmental strategies of catastrophic environments

2020 ◽  
pp. 251484862090238
Author(s):  
Nicholas Beuret
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Economic System ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
The World ◽  
To Come ◽  
Dangerous Climate Change

The only existing plans to arrest dangerous climate change depend on either yet to be invented technologies to keep us below 2°C or on crashing the world economy for decades to come. The political choice appears to be between doing what is scientifically necessary or what is politically realistic; between shifting to an entirely different kind of global socio-economic system or suffering catastrophe. We are thus in a moment of governmental impasse, caught between old and still-emerging political rationalities. Working through the liminal governmental role of environmental non-governmental organisations, this paper explores the shift from governmental regimes centred on biopower to ones that work through the register of geopower, from governing life to governing the conditions of life. Confronted with climate change as an irresolvable problem, what we find emerging are techniques that aim to contain the worst effects of climate change without fundamentally transforming the global economy.

Conclusion

1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjorie Lamberti
Keyword(s):  
School Reform ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ministry Of Education ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The Social ◽  
To Come

In the imperial era schoolteachers and left-wing liberals in Prussia viewed the confessional school under the supervision of school inspectors who were clergymen as an anachronism in a modern society. Its survival defied their expectation that demographic mobility and urbanization would increase the confessional mixture of the school enrollments and disproved their contention that the imperatives of national and social integration should make interconfessional schooling the goal of every modern state. Disheartened and demoralized after years of striving in vain to achieve their pedagogic ideal, the leaders of the Prussian Teachers’ Association could not easily admit or accept the reasons for their failure. After the enactment of the school law of 1906, they contrived an explanation—“they wanted to fight Social Democracy through the law”—that obscured their inability to influence public opinion and the programs of the major parties and obviated a more probing investigation of why the political conflicts over the school question stretching over half a century ended with a law that made confessional schooling the rule. The alarm of the governing class over the growth of the Social Democratic party affected the fate of school reform in Prussia far less than the experience of introducing the changes at the height of a religiopolitical conflict that deepened the divisions within the nation. The circumstances in which the interconfessional schools were opened in the 1870s gave them the reputation of being a “Kulturkampf institution” and this unfortunate association of school reform with Kulturkampf politics remained in the consciousness of both Catholics and Protestants for years to come. Although the Ministry of Education under Adalbert Falk formulated a moderate and prudent policy for establishing interconfessional schools gradually with some consideration to the pedagogic benefits of the innovation, the liberals who agitated for the reform and the city officials who introduced it were more radical and were motivated by political objectives as well as by educational interests. The campaign for school reform became entangled in the political battle that zealous Kulturkdmpfer waged against the Catholic church and the Center party. The introduction of interconfessional schooling did not have popular consent.

Fiddling while Democracy Burns: Partisan Reactions to Weak Democracy in Latin America

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Singer
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Survey ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current State ◽  
Public Pressure ◽  
Democratic Performance

Democracy is weakened when citizens and elites do not criticize actions or actors that undermine its principles. Yet this study documents a widespread pattern of partisan rationalization in how elites and the public evaluate democratic performance in Latin America. Survey data show that those whose party controls the presidency consistently express positive evaluations of the current state of democratic competition and institutions even when democracy in their country is weak. This pattern emerges in both mass survey data and among elected elites. These data have a worrying implication: if only the political opposition is willing to publicly acknowledge and sound the alarm when democracy is under attack, public pressure to protect democracy is likely to be dramatically reduced.

scholarly journals “Right Turn” in Israeli Political Life (1965—1977)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 353-367
Author(s):  
V. M. Morozov ◽  
S. V. Melnikova
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Israeli Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

The issues related to the events that took place in Israeli political life in the 60s and 70s of the XX century, which went down in history under the name of the “right turn”, when the leftwing parties came to replace the leading left-wing parties since 1949 are examined in the article. It is shown how, with their coming to power, foreign and domestic political approaches have changed, within which the ideas of Zionism-revisionism began to come to the fore. The authors analyze the reasons for the end of the era of the leadership of the left parties in Israeli politics, the essence the “right turn” and its consequences. Particular attention is paid to the activities of such forces of as MAPAI and Likud, which have largely shaped the political landscape of the state since the second half of the 1960s. It is emphasized that this issue is relevant from the point of view of analyzing later events and, in particular, the 2019—2020 crisis during the formation of the Israeli government, as well as intensifying its policy in the Palestinian direction. It has been proved that some of the key factors that still determine the internal political and social atmosphere in the country and the region appeared precisely at the considered historical stage.

scholarly journals The Weakness of Liberal Democracy a Lever to the Success of Anti-Establishment Parties: Chantal Mouffe on Challenges of the Political

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-346
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Borkowska-Nowak
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Current State ◽  
Chantal Mouffe ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
The Way

Today in Europe we are witnessing a populist turn, we could even speak of a “populist moment” that signals the crisis of neoliberal democracy. According to Chantal Mouffe, “the populist moment” is the expression of a set of heterogeneous demands, which cannot be formulated in traditional right/left frontier. The battles of our time will be between right-wing and left-wing populism. Although the current state of liberal societies appears to favor the development of a Right project, Mouffe proves that just a left-wing one can uphold any kind of radicalisation of democracy. The aim of this paper is to examine the reasons for the increasing success of populist parties in European countries and to consider whether the way the present crisis is manifesting is conducive to the growth of a populist narrative, especially in its right-wing variant.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Police Department and Slavophil Political Discourse

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.

The Basic Structure of Society as the Primary Subject of Justice

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Basic Structure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Pluralism ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Principles Of Justice ◽  
Distribution Of Income

Rawls says that there are two sources for the primacy assigned to the basic structure: the profound effects of basic social institutions on persons and their future prospects, and the need to maintain background justice. This chapter discusses the main reasons behind Rawls’s position that the basic structure of society is the primary subject of justice, and that the political constitution, property, and the economic system are the first subject to which principles of justice apply. First, the primacy of the basic structure is necessary for the freedom, equality, and independence of moral persons. Second, the basic structure’s priority is a condition of economic reciprocity and the just distribution of income and wealth. Third, the primacy of the basic structure is required by moral pluralism and the plurality of values and reasonable conceptions of the good among free and equal persons.

Capital Markets Union after Brexit

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Busch ◽  
Emilios Avgouleas ◽  
Guido Ferrarini
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Action Plan ◽  
Economic Perspective ◽  
Institutional Investment ◽  
Fully Integrated ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Better Regulation ◽  
Capital Markets Union ◽  
To Come ◽  
General Aspects

In line with the European Commission's wish to create fully integrated European capital markets, its Capital Markets Union (CMU) Action Plan is intended to make it easier for providers and receivers of funds to come into contact with one another within Europe, especially across borders. This book discusses various aspects of CMU from a legal and/or economic perspective. The chapters are grouped in a thematic way, covering the following areas: (i) general aspects, (ii) Brexit, (iii) financing innovation, (iv) raising capital on the capital markets, (v) fostering retail and institutional investment, (vi) leveraging banking capacity to support the wider economy, and (vii) facilitating cross-border investing. This chapter outlines some general aspects of CMU that are not explicitly covered by the other chapters in this book: (1) the CMU objectives, (2) the EBU–CMU relationship, (3) regulatory burden, and (4) Better Regulation and the Call for Evidence.

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