Sinn Féin and the life and death of the republican newspaper

Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Sinn Féin’s far reaching commitment to activist materials since the late 1960s included a devotion to the newspapers An Phoblacht/ Republican News. It was almost quixotically committed to producing AP/ RN and the paper became a far-reaching organ of political identity. During the Hunger Strikes of 1980/ 81 it was the authentic voice of those on the protests. Later, during the reforms of Peace Process era it articulated the changes in policy. However, Sinn Féin activists were keen to develop a mainstream vehicle for the newly dominant and optimistic strand of republicanism, one that might compete against the media outlets that had been overtly critical and hostile towards the party dating back to the beginning of the Troubles. The Belfast Media Group whose primary paper, the Andersonstown News, became associated with articulating Sinn Féin’s position throughout the 1990s and 2000s launched the republican daily newspaper Daily Ireland in 2005 in competition with the Irish News, the paper that has traditionally captured sales among the nationalist population of Northern Ireland. It was an experiment in assessing how far the shifts in the cultural and political tectonic plates of nationalism played into the media consumption habits of the people.

Author(s):  
Jan Bryant

Alex Monteith’s practice falls somewhere in the interconnecting threads of performance, situation and place, and often involves working with different kinds of communities. As a woman born in Northern Ireland and then as an immigrant to NZ Aotearoa, she offers an interesting perspective on colonialist subjectivity and its ongoing effects. Covered are her Irish works, Chapter and Verse (2005) and Shadow V (2017), both dealing with The Troubles, and her ongoing project Murihiku Coastal Incursions (2014–) that explores questionable archaeological practices in 1970s’ Aotearoa. Each artwork offers a different set of problems about how to present an ethically positioned political-aesthetics that deeply considers the rights of the people with whom she engages. Teased out are the implications of the British Navy’s Pacific explorations in the 18th century that preceded the displacement of first peoples in Aotearoa and Australia by waves of settlers. Other artworks included in this chapter are Sarah Munro’s series, Trade Item (2018), which are reworkings of Tupaia’s, Māori Bartering a Crayfish (1768), William Hodges, Cascade Cove: Dusky Bay (1775) and John Glover’s, The River Nile, Van Diemen’s Land from Mr Glover’s Farm (1837). [187]


Worldview ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Richard J. Neuhaus

Take or leave a few lives, about 865 people have been killed by political violence in Northern Ireland since the troubles broke out afresh in 1969. It is not improbable that the toll will reach a thousand by March, 1974. The outsider is inclined to view March, 1974, as a kind of moment of truth for Northern Ireland, for that is the date by which, according to the British “White Paper“ of March, 1973, the people of Northern Ireland are to get themselves together around an elected Assembly. What happens if they don't get themselves together by then is unclear, but the alternatives now under discussion are not pleasant to contemplate. An outsider, such as I, might view March, 1974, as the fast approaching moment of truth, but as one Protestant leader there remarked: “Ireland has been undergoing ‘moments of truth,’ ‘definitive crises’ and 'once-and-for-all decisions’ for several hundred years now.


Author(s):  
Anthea Irwin

The chapter opens by noting a degree of closeness of Scottish politics for Northern Irish media and their consumers, also summarizing some historical factors in relation to present circumstances in Northern Ireland: and outlining its dedicated media provision. The chapter defines its concepts for analysis, specifying themes such as volume of coverage and fact vs opinion, as well as focus and position. Both press and broadcast output is considered. Unionist-leaning and nationalist-leaning press were seen to interpret events differently, with more space offered by broadcasting, as distinct from the press, to the view of Sinn Fein. There was a significant if minor tendency to see the participatory and democratic nature of the Scottish referendum favourably in comparison to the history of the Troubles.


Author(s):  
Rogers M. Smith

Most scholars agree that modern populists tell nationalist stories promising to protect “the people” against malignant elites. They appeal to economic and cultural anxieties stirred by many forms of globalization. They also respond, however, to the multiplicity of competing narratives of political identity that have proliferated globally since the end of the Cold War. These have created a cacophony of identity stories that often heightens the appeal of familiar nationalist ones. Examples are drawn from the three great waves of modern nation-building, including Wisconsin in the U.S. and Ulster-Scots in the U.K.’s Northern Ireland; the United Arab Emirates and the Philippines; and the Czech Republic and Slovakia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 196
Author(s):  
Niti Bayu Indrakrista

This paper examines the role of local press as institution that supports democracy in regional level, indecentralisation era. As an entry point, this paper uses the media coverage of Dana Keistimewaan in TribunJogja daily newspaper, a non-partisan press institution that established at post New Order era. UsingRobert Entman’s framing analysis, this research argues that consolidation of democracy has not yet fullyembedded at regional level. Local presspays too many att ention on technocratic administrative aspects, rather than democratic ones that may involve contribution of the people.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. C7-C18
Author(s):  
Heather Richardson

For most writers the first experience of narrative comes from within the family. Facts, opinions, distortions and – very occasionally – truth, are shaped into family stories. A first-time memoirist such as myself has to acknowledge her own unreliability as a narrator, and must unpick real from false memory, the accidently misremembered from the downright lie. In this piece I chart the uncomfortable experience of remembering and writing about growing up during the Northern Irish ‘Troubles’, focusing on the life and death of my Aunt’s husband. He was a British soldier serving in Northern Ireland during the worst years of the Troubles in the early 70s and latterly a constable in the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). From their peculiar wedding in my parents’ front room to his death in a car crash five years later, exploring his story has confronted me with the long-denied impact of the Northern Irish conflict on my practice as a writer and teacher of creative writing. This article was submitted to the European Journal of Life Writing on 20 April 2015 and published on 19 July 2015.


Author(s):  
Orla Lafferty

UTV, formerly known as Ulster Television, has been the franchised commercial broadcaster in Northern Ireland since Hallowe’en night, 1959. While detailed research has been carried out on the history of the BBC in Northern Ireland (Cathcart, 1984, McLoone, 1996) there has been neglect in the study of the political, social and cultural role of UTV in this period. Johnson and Turnock (2005) attempted to address the lack of attention given to the regional structure of commercial broadcasting in the UK yet fail to even mention UTV in their index. There has however been some slight discussion of UTV within the wider context of broadcasting in Northern Ireland (Butler 1995, Curtis, 1998 and Millar 1994) and Bernard Sendall and Jeremy Potter’s (1983, 1990) volumes Independent Television in Britain provide an invaluable source of historical information. More recently a book released for the channel’s 50th anniversary gives some insight into the channel's working processes but remains mainly anecdotal. These studies have not acknowledged the importance of regional broadcasters, particularly in relation to Northern Ireland and have failed to sustain their research. This paper aims to address this issue through three assertions. Studies on broadcasting in Northern Ireland have tended to focus on the lack of political debate or exploration of the situation in the region as well as productions which caused controversy when aired. This has led to a large neglect of aired programme material that can be analyzed and critiqued to add a different perspective to the already vast debate on the media and Northern Ireland. Secondly, the most important relationship for UTV as an independent broadcaster was its relationship with the Independent Television Authority and network. Finally, in coping with the ‘Troubles’, UTV adopted the approach of creating a dialogue with the community and ensuring that their focus remained on local people and their stories.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

Borrowing on a tradition of radical journalism dating back more than 200 years, modern Irish republicans, in particular, Sinn Féin, have used activist media to articulate their ideological since the late 1960s and the start of the Troubles. At times of marginalisation from the political mainstream through broadcasting bans and structural bias in the media, republicans used their own activist newspapers, pamphlets and promotional materials to convey their political messages. In the same period Sinn Féin began and finished the journey from being the marginal political wing of the Provisional IRA to being arguably the most prominent political party in Irish nationalist politics. Its transformation from minority voice of an armed organisation which saw violence as central to its goals to the main voice of republicanism that had accepted ceasefires and the political path was remarkable. Activist media was central to ideological journey of the Shinners, providing an internal space in which to articulate and interrogate dynamic shifts in ideology and an outward face to communicate these developments.


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