TOURISM-RELATED URBAN REGENERATION OF HISTORIC CITIES: A REGENERATION STRATEGIES FOR KOCHI, KERALA

The process of reinducing life into decaying assets and developing future potential with the growing tourism of a historic city is known as tourism-related urban regeneration. The assets and potential for such heritage cities consist of built heritage, traditional industries, or cultural resources. The research is based on a study of a historic city in southern India called Kochi in Kerala state, which is famous for its built heritage, cultural evolution, and traditional economic industries. It is globally known for its historical spice trade. However, at present these assets are degenerating due to their low interest in public participation in conservation and regeneration. From the 12th to 17th century, the city Kochi (Cochin-Travancore) achieved global prosperity because of its sea-trade route, linkages with major continents, political patronage, and its existing natural resources. After independence, the city growth gets affected by inadequate development policies and low participation. With the passage of time, the city retained the built heritage and multi-shaded culture with its historical settlement patterns. The city today has shown a strong potential for tourism as there are plenty of heritage buildings, heritage settlements, and the traditional culture of the region. The city’s socio-economy is dominated by traditional industries of skilled craftsmanship and service providers. But at present, this traditional economic potential and cultural heritage of the city are struggling to grow with maximum potential due to the high rate of urbanization and participation failure. Therefore, the research looks into the city’s assets and its economic turbulence that could be a potential for the tourism-related urban regeneration of the region.

Analysis of Various Factors Contributing To Police Corruption In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Around the world police institution has been established for ensuring peace, enforcing law and protecting life and property of public. Policeplays a vital role in controlling crimes in society and their services are considered as good, but police corruption has also been occurred throughout history and therefore it is by no means a new phenomenon. In Pakistan too police are perceived as corrupt and there exist various social, economic, political and structural causes of police corruption.The multiplicity of these causes and its aftermaths in delivery of justice require immense research in the field. Looking into the issue the current study was conducted in province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan to know the opinion of in-service police about prevalence of corruption in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the contributing factors which compel police personnel for corruption. Data was collected through structured questionnaires from in-service police, using purposive sampling techniques. The data collected from 150 respondents who were serving in police department.According to findings of the study 88.7% respondents opined that corruption prevails in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study identified low salaries, lack of accountability, recruitment through bribes, political patronage, corruption of senior officers, lack of public awareness and lack of resources as major causes of police corruption. To eliminate corruption from police department, the study suggestsstrict and unbiased accountability, increase in salaries, public awareness,discouraging political interference, establishment of an independent commission for controlling corruption and strict disciplinary action against those involved in corruption.

Gambian Women’s Struggles through Collective Action

Women have a long history of organizing collective action in The Gambia. Between the 1970s to the 1990s, they were instrumental?to The Gambia’s politics. Yet they?have?held no political power within its government. This paper argues that, since authorities failed to serve women’s interests, Gambian women resorted to using collective action to overcome their challenges through kafoolu and kompins [women’s grassroots organizations] operating in the rural and urban areas. They shifted their efforts towards organizations that focused on social and political change. These women’s organizations grew significantly as they helped women to promote social and economic empowerment. The women cultivated political patronage with male political leaders to achieve their goals. Political leaders who needed popular support to buttress their political power under the new republican government cash in patronage. Thus, this study relies on primary data from oral interviews. Secondary sources such as academic journals, books, and policy reports provide context to the study.

Political Leadership and Public Accountability in Post-colonial Nigeria

In the quest for transparency and accountability in the public sector, several political administrations have initiated public sector reforms to promote accountability and transparency in Nigeria. The paper investigates the impact of political leadership on political accountability and fiscal accountability in Nigeria. It also explains why the problem of lack of accountability has thrived despite the numerous reforms which have been introduced to abate it. Anchored in a documentary/historical research design, the paper observed that the problem of lack of accountability thrives because of legal lapses, weakness of civil society organizations, political patronage and the principle of possessive individualism/primitive capital accumulation that holds the country’s elites are embroiled in. The paper recommends policy learning, adherence to the principles of the constitution and constitutionalism, civil society advocacy, and recall to engender accountability in the Nigerian public sector.

Establishing Lineage Legitimacy and Building Labrang Monastery as “the Source of Dharma”: Jikmed Wangpo (1728–1791) Taking the Helm

The eighteenth century witnessed the continuity of Geluk growth in Amdo from the preceding century. Geluk inspiration and legacy from Central Tibet and the accompanying political patronage emanating from the Manchus, Mongols, and local Tibetans figured prominently as the engine behind the Geluk influence that swept Amdo. The Geluk rise in the region resulted from contributions made by native Geluk Buddhists. Amdo native monks are, however, rarely treated with as much attention as they deserve for cultivating extensive networks of intellectual transmission, reorienting and shaping the school’s future. I therefore propose that we approach Geluk hegemony and their broad initiatives in the region with respect to the school’s intellectual and cultural order and native Amdo Buddhist monks’ role in shaping Geluk history in Amdo and beyond in Tibet. Such a focus highlights their impact in shaping the trajectory of Geluk history in Tibet and Amdo in particular. The historical and biographical literature dealing with the life of Jikmed Wangpo affords us a rare window into the pivotal time when every effort was made to cultivate a vast network of institutions and masters across Tibet. This further spurred an institutional growth of Buddhist transmission, constructing authenticity and authority thereof, as they were closely tied to reincarnation lineage, intellectual traditions, and monastic institutions. In doing so, we also have a good grasp of the creation processes of Geluk luminaries such as Jikmed Wangpo, an exemplar scholar and visionary who faced great opposition from issues with his lineage legitimation at Labrang and among the larger Geluk community.

Advanced Sultanism: A Category Emerges

The first of two summary discussions, this chapter begins by assessing the extent to which MBS and MBZ’s regimes converge or diverge with other examples of contemporary sultanism. With regard to convergence, it notes: their political patronage networks; their dominance over economic affairs; the extent to which their extended families have served as surrogates for ruling parties; their tightening up of almost all civil society and media organizations; their increasing control over military forces and security services (including the development of more potent praetorian guards); the apparently non-ideological nature of their regimes; and—with some caveats—their erection of personal charismatic façades. With regard to divergence, it notes: Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relatively well-performing health and education systems; their advances in women’s access to education and health; their fairly positive economic development indicators; their strong global economic integration; and what seems to have been a genuine reduction in corruption. Seeking to explain these divergences, the chapter suggests that Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s rentier state legacies combined with their continuing use of Western and other advanced economy consultants are key to understanding MBS and MBZ’s more ‘advanced’ strain of sultanism. In this context, ‘advanced sultanism’ is posited as an important new sub-set of contemporary sultanism.

Establishing Control: Political Patronage Networks

This chapter describes in depth how MBS and MBZ have established their control through building highly personalized political patronage networks. Firstly, their creation of an ‘inner circle’ of closest relatives is considered, including most prominently their full brothers and (in MBZ’s case) their adult sons. Secondly, their creation of a parallel circle of non-ruling family technocrats and gatekeepers is discussed, including key friends and cronies who have been entrusted with major political and economic portfolios. Thirdly, the special circumstances surrounded the treatment of the formal heads of state is explained--in MBS’s case his father Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al-Saud (the King of Saudi Arabia), and in MBZ’s case his older half-brother Khalifa bin Zayed Al-Nahyan (the ruler of Abu Dhabi and President of the UAE). Fourthly, the management of other influential ruling family members is studied, including the co-option or coercion of half-brothers and uncles (and in MBZ’s case senior members of other UAE ruling families). Finally, MBS and MBZ’s supervision of other, lesser ruling family members is reflected upon, including the small minority who have either been actively repressed or have flown into exile.