media politics
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2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-85
Author(s):  
Elina Kushch ◽  
Vasyl Bialyk ◽  
Olena Zhykharieva ◽  
Viktoriia Stavtseva ◽  
Svitlana Taran

The paper looks into the emergence of terms and neologisms related to COVID-19 outbreak, which are treated as lexical quantors (LQs). A LQ, as a linguistic nominative unit, reflects the amount of language knowledge (LK) represented in a certain segment of language worldview (LWV). It is represented by a word or a phrase, which constitutes some quantum of information to designate a certain segment of LWV. It has a systemic character and is reflected in the semantics of a linguistic unit. This research is aimed at exploring COVID-19 lexical quantors both in terminological and general vocabulary aspects and it defines the major language concepts for special purposes (LSP). It is characterized by the word formation means expressing all types of LK with the prevalence of a denotative special meaning. General COVID-19 lexical units employ all word formation means to render both denotative and connotative components of LQs meanings revealing also social, cultural, and axiological aspects of LK. The boundary between COVID-19 terminology and general lexical units is quite blurred when the transition from one layer of vocabulary to another is observed. Word formation is viewed as the process of constructing LQs in terms of aggregated, condensed and modified knowledge means. In conclusion, the informative potential realization of LQ is manifested in various discursive practices, namely: media, politics, and public service announcements (PSA) that embrace both linguistic and socio-cultural characteristics of communication.


Author(s):  
Jūratė Landsbergytė-Becher

The image of the front line is deeply rooted in the contemporary Lithuanian discourse about cultureand politics. The strands of its cultural landscape connect art, media, politics and history. The concept of the line here performs like a literary metaphor deeply ingrained in everyday consciousness as a defensive front line due to the painful history of the nation’s experience. The confrontation with the constant threat of the Russian Empire and the catastrophes of occupation, especially in the 20th century, drew the Lithuanian prototype of the nation’s resistance and filled the 21st-century daily discourses with reflections on the emerged meaning of the Mannerheim Line. This actualised vision travelled to the spaces of artistic creation, music, cinematography, literature, creating feelings of infinity, spaces of transcendent landscapes, bridges of time and the dramaturgy of the Baltic archetypes of contiguity. These insights aim to unfold the Lithuanian discourse of contemporary culture with the special mark of the front line.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
Daniel Deha

This research discusses about the representation of populist ideology in the Tempo.co’s reporting on #2019GantiPresiden social movement. It uses a critical constructivist paradigm with a qualitative-descriptive approach. The research method used is the framing analysis method with Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis model. The results show that Tempo.co uses a language that is unique and synonymous with the concept of populism through words, sentences and images. These dictums not only show Tempo.co’s ideology, but simultaneously represent a populist ideology in its reporting. Tempo.co described the mass demonstration (social movement) as a dualism of the Indonesian political democracy system. On one side, Indonesia’s political climate is not yet familiar and passionate about populism issues, but on the other side, Tempo.co actually anticipates disruption due to the radicalism of religious-fundamentalists group. Tempo.co’s ideology represents the whole face of media politics in Indonesia which regards populism as a deviant ideology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 270-289
Author(s):  
Sadia Afrin

Media manipulation is rampant in the present postmodern culture since people are constantly monitored by screens due to the advancement of technology. In the postmodern world, the media have become an inseparable part of everyday life, where there is hardly any scope to spend a single moment without the screen and media. Thus, the current researcher got the impetus to unravel the media's simulated world, which uses images, advertisements, and signs to expand global capitalism. The objective of the study is to explore inquisitively the power and influence of the media and the way these are used to manipulate people. This is a qualitative study that delves into media politics and media economy in an investigative way to uncover the covert targets of the media. The study's major finding is that the media play a vital role in attracting consumers and expanding world commercialism in today’s globalized world. Several modern and postmodern writings were extensively studied to scrutinize the manifold facets of media manipulation through different presentations of print and visual formats.


2021 ◽  
pp. 267-282
Author(s):  
Mariken A.C.G. van der Velden ◽  
Isabella Rebasso
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Mokhtar Elareshi ◽  
Mohammed Habes ◽  
Sana Ali ◽  
Abdulkrim Ziani

The rise of SNS facilitated politicians with new opportunities to communicate directly with voters. Especially during election campaigns. Twitter provides female politicians with a space to exercise their political tasks beyond traditional media, especially in some Arab countries. Based on the framing theory, this study aims to identify how the female politicians in Bahrain utilised Twitter to present themselves for Parliamentary election campaigns in 2018. The researchers scrutinised the phenomenon using a thematic analysis of n = 263 tweets posted by two Bahraini female candidates. Results revealed that although politicians largely preferred Twitter in election campaigns to reinforce support and mobilisation for political engagement, two selected candidates lacked interaction with their supporters. Thus, the researchers concluded that the Bahraini female politicians have a long way to represent themselves in digital media politics as men widely benefit from personalisation more than females.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Ian Rubin ◽  
Faith Agostinone-Wilson

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Nathan Matias ◽  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Marianne Aubin Le Quere ◽  
Charles Ebersole

AbstractThe pursuit of audience attention online has led organizations to conduct thousands of behavioral experiments each year in media, politics, activism, and digital technology. One pioneer of A/B tests was Upworthy.com, a U.S. media publisher that conducted a randomized trial for every article they published. Each experiment tested variations in a headline and image “package,” recording how many randomly-assigned viewers selected each variation. While none of these tests were designed to answer scientific questions, scientists can advance knowledge by meta-analyzing and data-mining the tens of thousands of experiments Upworthy conducted. This archive records the stimuli and outcome for every A/B test fielded by Upworthy between January 24, 2013 and April 30, 2015. In total, the archive includes 32,487 experiments, 150,817 experiment arms, and 538,272,878 participant assignments. The open access dataset is organized to support exploratory and confirmatory research, as well as meta-scientific research on ways that scientists make use of the archive.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110255
Author(s):  
Nina F. Schumacher ◽  
Peter Maurer ◽  
Christian Nuernbergk

Research has provided few findings on the patterns of communication and interaction between political and media actors in social media and how these interactions have evolved. The present study analyzes how journalists registered in the German Federal Press Conference interact with members of the German Bundestag (member of parliament) on Twitter and what type of content they exchange with each other. Based on two time periods (2016, 2020), the communicative practices and the patterns of interactions are examined. New insights into the conversational structure are generated through a combination of content and network analysis. The results indicate a trend in the use of Twitter among the actors as a political opinion medium. While the dissemination of opinions among politicians remains stable, journalists use Twitter interactions more to express a subjective and critical view and less for news coverage over time. Furthermore, the analysis notes that journalists generally comment in negative terms on the parties, except for the Greens. To some extent, the results indicate that the usual journalistic norms of objectivity and balance do not apply for interactions in the Twittersphere. To evaluate whether this pattern also applies to other countries, more comparative investigations in the domain of media–politics interactions on Twitter are needed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110104
Author(s):  
Fatima El Issawi

The Tunisian political transition has succeeded in building a working, yet fragile governance beyond ideological and political divides. Political debate across media platforms has become open and dynamic, but the media–politics nexus thrives within a complex system of clientelism forged on shifting alliances between politicians and business tycoons, including recapture by agents of the former regime. The media–politics interplay is taking competitive and antagonistic forms, effectively exacerbating polarized conflicts. This paper reflects on the notions of hybrid media systems, agonistic pluralism, and civic culture, based on data collected in a focus group conducted in Tunis in May 2019 that brought together representatives from media, politics, and civil society complemented by interviews with leading journalists and media stakeholders. This paper argues that the relationship between media and politics is interdependent and marked by confrontation and adaption; the uncertainty of the transition is leading to a complex and volatile power struggle in which neither media nor politics have the upper hand in defining the terms of the game. This ambivalent relationship, taking place within a new system of clientelism, has had a mixed outcome on the process of democratic consolidation.


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