SMEs Sustainability in Times of Crisis

The global crisis generated by the COVID-19 pandemic among the population and at the level of companies, state institutions, etc., underlined the importance of analysing its impact at different levels (intern, national and international level). The concepts of sustainability, development and growth must be aware, adapted and implemented more and more frequently, even constantly, in order to cope with the current evolution of the economy (and not only). The paper is an empirical research conducted in the North-East Region of Romania, aiming to analyse the impact of COVID-19 on local companies (especially SME’s), in the context of existing correlation between the COVID-19 impact on resizing, restricting, changing the number of active employees, changing revenue, changing turnover and changing profit, based on the Spearman correlation coefficients. In this sense, it was important to implement sustainability strategies and ensure the activity and resources of companies in the long term, because the effects of an economic crisis (natural resources, human resources, not only financial) are felt in 2021 and will be felt in the future 10 years. The paper concludes with two practical solutions to ensure the sustainability of the companies involved in the study, solutions that can be applied by all companies that have been affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Looking into the kaleidoscope of activism: the engagement of care ethics and global bioethics for a refined health security

During public health crises, the United States utilizes a statist approach for securing its population’s health, which places state structures at the center of a (mainly economic) health security. The fairness of this approach relies on a distribution of resources to “trickle down” from institutions to individuals. Yet, “fairness,” in this regard, is determined a priori, that is, without reference to specific individuals who are receiving resources of health. This ignores contextual needs that arise from the disproportionate damage that epidemics and pandemics have on vulnerable populations. A statist approach can make a more equitable impact on global society if it integrates care ethics into its distributive justice. In this paper, I demonstrate how an ethic of care can substantiate health security. First, I show how an ethic of care can be engaged anywhere embodiment is recognizable—not just in the one-on-one setting of the clinical encounter—but in the (inter)national contexts through which public health crises have a full effect on. Second, I provide a methodology for state institutions to recognize the social embodiment necessary to engage an ethic of care in these contexts, specifically engaging the social embodiment that manifests through the social activism of vulnerable populations during public health crises. Third, I demonstrate how the social embodiment that activism lives through forces an encounter with state institutions, mimicking in this manner a clinical encounter on a macrocosmic scale. Finally, I assign an ethic of care to this encounter, meshing caring values to the criteria of distribution.

Kewenangan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Dalam Pengawasan Peraturan Daerah

Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) is a constitution organ. This one of state institutions is established and empowered by the 1945 Constitution. The existence of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in the provision of Chapter VII Article 22 C and Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution. The authorities and duties of the Regional Representative Council is regulated in No. 2/2018 of Law about the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representative (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD). One of the Regional Representative Council’s authorities in the Law No. 2/2018 is able to monitor and evaluate the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations. However, since the verdict of Constitutional Court No. 137/PUU XIII/2015 and 56/PUU-XIV/2016 about revocation of the government authority (central) to nullify (executive review) the regional regulation, the authority of the Regional Representative Council in monitoring the regional regulations plan and the regional regulations is weakened and not clear. The nullification of the regional regulation(s) is owned by judicial institution only, such as the Supreme Court (MA). In fact, the Regional Representative Council should be as a representative council that can associate those two interests at once, the central government in top down way and regional interest in bottom up way. How does the Regional Representative Council align those two waves of interests at once through the regional regulation(s)? This research uses statute approach, by examining the related laws about law issues which is already analyzed and also uses conceptual approach, which starts from the point of views and developed doctrines in the legal studies. Based on the research results, it was known that the verdict of the Constitutional Court did not eliminate the control of the central government, in this case was the Regional Representative Council to the regional government, including the making of the regency/city regional regulations. But, this control was not in the shape of testing or nullifying the regional regulations. The Regional Representative Council in consort with the ministry, and governor as the representative of the central government should do some evaluation process on each regional regulations plan.

Levels of Warning in the Text messages Sent by the Saudi Ministry of Health during Covid-19 Pandemic

With the beginning of the Corona pandemic at the beginning of 2019 and its rapid spread, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was among the countries that moved very quickly to address this matter. All state institutions played the role related to them. Saudi Ministry of Health launched an intensive package of warning, awareness, and guidance in the form of text messages through multiple electronic platforms to reach the largest segment of society. The study took three sources to collect data, three telecommunications companies, the official account of the Ministry of Health on Twitter and the official website of the Ministry. The current study was based on analyzing these messages in terms of warning levels in various speech acts according to the theories of Austin and Searle, in addition to analyzing the content in terms of its relationship to the actual text and the objective context. The study tried to seek the warning levels in the messages which were classified into three sections: high, moderate, and low and identified the types of actions that represent the levels. The significance of the study lies in revealing how language is used to raise the level of awareness in society. Based on the research methods, this study is analytical and descriptive, based on the theory of speech acts in its foundations, and the development of a reference model for analyzing warning levels that depend on the type of action and its implications, taking into account the indirect speech acts. The results of the study concluded that there is a clear discrepancy in the use of speech verbs to express the three levels of warning.

Mending Malawi's Water Institutions and IWRM Solutions

The aim of this chapter is to explain the challenges of decentralisation and management of water as economic good principles of integrated water resources management (IWRM) in Malawi in the rural areas of Ntcheu, Balaka, and Mangochi. Semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions, community meetings, and observation of water points were conducted. It was established that households and other state institutions prefer to receive services from Mpira-Balaka Water Users Association, which subsidizes households, rather than Southern Regional Water Board, which operates along commercial lines. The chapter questions the focus in the implementation of IWRM, which remain the establishment and fixing of decentralised institutions whilst recognising water as an economic good.

JUDICIAL ANALYSIS ON THE POSITION OF LEGAL OPINION (FATWA) OF INDONESIAN COUNCIL OF ULAMA’ (MUI) IN STATUTORY REGULATION SYSTEM OF INDONESIA

The purpose of this research is to investigate, understand, describe, analyze and get a picture of the legal position of MUI fatwas in the statutory regulation system in Indonesia based on Law No. 12 of 2011 on Making Rules and Hierarchy of Rules. The method used in this research is normative. The results show that MUI fatwas are not included in positive law and don't have permanent legal power based on Law No. 15 of 2019 on the Amendment to Law Number 12 of 2011 on Making Rules and Hierarchy of Rules, so it cannot be legally applied to all Indonesian people. Also, fatwas of MUI cannot be a legal instrument to enforce legal act or to become the basis for imposing criminal sanctions for those who violate the law. It can only become positive law if the substance is stipulated by the authorized state institutions into laws and regulations as it is outlined in Law No. 15 of 2019 on the Amendment to Law No.12 of 2011 on Making Rules and Hierarchy of Rules.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Supervisory Board's Role as a Grantor of Permits in Corruption Crimes

The existence of the Corruption Eradication Commission or Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK)’s Supervisory Board to oversee KPK's work is the result of the KPK Law Number 19 of 2019. This new legislation mandates the KPK Supervisory Board to perform four primary duties. One of the duties of the Board's authority, permitting or not permitting KPK to conduct wiretapping, search, and/or seizure corruption crimes, sparked public outrage due to the fear of attempts to weaken KPK. This research is served for determining whether the role of the KPK Supervisory Board as a licensee for wiretapping, search, and seizure of criminal acts of corruption is functional and will run effectively and efficiently in tackling the eradication of corruption. The research method used is qualitative research with descriptive presentation and a normative juridical approach. According to the findings, the pro-justice authority delegated by law to the KPK Supervisory Board, namely granting permits for wiretapping, search, and confiscation of criminal acts of corruption, has proven to be effective and efficient in combating corruption. It is concluded because, in principle, it is assumed that balancing all the powers of state institutions through supervision is a natural thing to do.

Harmonization of Rehabilitation Service Standards for Drug Abuse’s Addicts and Victims according to the Regulations

Narcotics addicts and victims of narcotics abuse must undergo medical and social rehabilitation, according to Article 54 of Indonesia's Narcotics Law. The government then issued a rehabilitation policy for them under the authority of three state institutions, namely the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Social Affairs, and the National Narcotics Agency. This causes overlapping and tug-of-war among stakeholders when it comes to developing policies and implementing rehabilitation services for addicts and victims of narcotics abuse, resulting in no method that becomes a guideline for rehabilitation implementation, on the report of an Ombudsman study. The aim here is to investigate how the laws of Rehabilitation Service Standards for Addicts and Victims of Drug Abuse are harmonized. The approach used is normative juridical. According to the study's findings, the regulations are hierarchically aligned, but the implementation of each rehabilitation program has a Service Standard. There is a vertical disparity in the definitions of medical and social rehabilitation and service providers and service recipients. Horizontally, there are differences in the determination of the implementing agency, service standards such as service programs, human resources, infrastructure, and activity funding sources. As a result, medical and social rehabilitation implementation is separated, resulting in a lack of comprehensive services for service recipients.

Dynasty Control of the Process of Forming Coalition of Political Parties in the 2020 Cilegon Local Leaders Election

This paper discusses the power of political dynasties in Cilegon in the process of forming a coalition of political parties in the 2020 Pilkada. The embodiment of political dynasties continues to be accommodated to perpetuate power by putting aside the track record of organizing experience both in parties and in state institutions. The theory used in this study is the theory of political dynasties and party coalitions. The research method uses a qualitative study with an explanatory case study approach. The focus of this study is to explain how coalition maps are formed and how the influence of dynasties on political parties. The results of this study indicate that the strong influence of political dynasties in Cilegon arises because of the power that has been held since Cilegon City was founded after Banten officially became a province. At that time the elected mayor was Tubagus Aat Syafaat and continued with his sons Tubagus Iman Ariyadi and Ratu Ati Marliati until the 2020 Local Leader Election. The family mainly used the Golkar Party and lower-middle parties to perpetuate their power to form the Minimum Winning Coalition model so that passed the nomination process. Keywords: political dynasty; party coalition; pilkada; cilegon cityAbstrak Tulisan ini membahas kekuatan dinasti politik yang ada di Kota Cilegon dalam proses pembentukan koalisi partai politik di Pilkada tahun 2020. Pengejawantahan dinasti politik terus diakomodasi untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan dengan menyampingkan rekam jejak pengalaman pengorganisasian baik di partai maupun di kelembagaan negara. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah teori dinasti politik dan koalisi partai. Adapun metode penelitian menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus eksplanatoris. Fokus kajian ini yaitu mengupas tentang bagaimana peta koalisi terbentuk dan bagaimana pengaruh dinasti terhadap partai-partai politik. Adapun hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pengaruh kuat dari dinasti politik di Cilegon muncul akibat dari kekuasaan yang dimiliki sejak Kota Cilegon berdiri setelah Banten resmi menjadi Provinsi. Saat itu yang terpilih sebagai Walikota yaitu Tubagus Aat Syafaat dan dilanjut dengan anaknya Tubagus Iman Ariyadi dan Ratu Ati Marliati sampai pada saat Pilkada 2020. Keluarga tersebut memanfaatkan utamanya Partai Golkar dan partai-partai menengah-bawah untuk melanggengkan kekuasaannya untuk membentuk model Minnimal Winning Coalition agar lolos proses pencalonannya. Kata Kunci: dinasti politik; koalisi partai; pilkada; kota cilegon