Amos Oz in A Tale of Love and Darkness

This paper looks at the call for a dialogue underlying Amos Oz’s autobiographical novel A Tale of Love and Darkness.1 As a peace activist,2 Oz depicts the Arab Palestinian under Israeli military occupation as a victim and reintroduces himself as a new, unorthodox Jew. In this context, the paper approaches the author-narrator’s message calling for a dialogue with the Palestinian other, albeit through a Chekhovian solution to an existentialist conflict entangling both the Arabs and the Jews over the Question of Palestine. Thanks to the complicity between the Western Colonial Project3 and the Zionist plan to create a Jewish homeland in Palestine, most of the Palestinian population was expelled and dispossessed. Oz condemns that complicity and stands out as a Jewish voice for peace. His narrative discourse implies that he is crossing a minefield while trying to help resuscitate the current stale-mate peace process in the Middle East.

Reason, Ridicule, and Indifference

This essay provides suggestions for integrating the interdisciplinary field of peace studies and literary analysis by attending to rhetorical strategies in Leonard and Virginia Woolf’s nonfiction. The field of peace studies often relies on the social sciences and data-driven analytics, borrowing from the humanities only for vague ideas like “inspiration” and “creativity.” Andrews argues that the Woolfs’ rhetorical form offers additional resources to peace-activist writers. With a nod to the “political formalist” turn of scholars such as Caroline Levine and Joseph North, Andrews examines the ways that the formal features of the Woolfs’ writing enact their antiwar politics. Leonard Woolf insisted that his strategies for antiwar internationalism were based in reason rather than utopianism, and his prose style displays that “reasonableness” by using the tropes of western, academic argumentation. By contrast, Virginia Woolf’s circular, elliptical, and repetitive style in Three Guineas resists the combative, western academic models in which opposing views are demolished through rhetorical assaults and stockpiles of evidence. The Woolfs were united in their use of ridicule, a device that sometimes seems antithetical to nonviolent speech. Ridicule, however, holds the potential to be the art of “making ridiculous,” of pointing out the absurdity and foolishness of over-inflated, self-serious political views or actors. In this capacity it is a rhetorical form that deflates and redirects political extremity without rising to the level of its violence. As Andrews shows, the Woolfs’ writing suggests a range of options for peace-activist writing today and their rhetorical sophistication extends our capacities for a pacifist imagination.

Pedagogical dilemmas among Bedouin-Palestinian peace educators in Israel

Purpose The purpose of this study is to learn how minority peace educators grapple with dilemmas related to their involvement in peace programs. Design/methodology/approach A total of 15 male teachers, members of the minority Bedouin community in Israel, all peace educators, provided their reactions to three dilemmas, addressing various facets of the strained relations of their community with the Jewish-Israeli majority, as influenced by the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Findings The responses to these dilemmas suggest that when it comes to questions of the identity of these teachers as members of a marginalized community, their responses considerably diverge. This is not the case when it comes to their identity as peace educators. Originality/value This suggests that if the aim is to bring peace educators, members of minority groups in conflict zones, to harness their potential to bring about positive change, their peace activist identities must be strengthened.

Rabin: Peace Without the Peace Camp

This chapter describes the ambivalent relations between Peace Now and Yitzhak Rabin. Peace Now had had no role whatsoever in drawing up the Oslo agreements. Between 1993 and 1995, while the terms were being drafted by the Oslo negotiators, Peace Now found itself marginalized. And when Rabin went to Washington in September 1995 to sign the Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, he invited only one peace activist to accompany him–the founder of an NGO for bereaved parents, who had supported his efforts in support of peace–ignoring Peace Now and its longstanding commitment to a negotiated settlement. The movement's influence was clearly on the wane. Paradoxically, the very peace for which Peace Now and other groups had fought so hard did them barely any good. There are several factors that help explain this phenomenon, the most important of which is the views of the prime minister himself: Rabin mistrusted the peace movement.

Educational Value of Johan Vincent Galtung’s Conflict Resolution in Reducing Gender Issues Based Violence

This article will explore the educational value of Johan Vincent Galtung's thoughts on conflict resolution that he offers in breaking down gender-based violence. As many people already know that gender issues are very closely related to discussions about violence. Apart from direct violence, Galtung emphasized another form of violence, namely structural violence, which was not carried out by individuals but hidden in smaller and wider structures. Penetration, segmentation, marginalization and fragmentation, as part of exploitation are reinforcing components in structures that function to block formation and mobility from struggling against exploitation. Johan Galtung's thinking is in line with the thinking of radical feminists. Galtung claims patriarchy as direct, structural and cultural violence. Patriarchy creates a dichotomy between public and private roles, productive and reproductive, which forms an unequal power relations between men and women. As a peace activist, the educational value of conflict resolution offered by Galtung was considered quite wise. Violence is not only done by men, but also by women. According to him, what should be hated is patriarchy, not men. Various forms of violence can be eradicated and replaced with peace. If everyone agrees not to commit physical violence, in which there is gender based violence, then everyone will also get peace. سوف تستكشف هذه المقالة قيمة التعليم عند أفكار جوهان فنسنت غالتونغ Johan Vincent Galtung حول حل النزاعات التي يقدمها في كسر العنف القائم على النوع الاجتماعي. كما يعلم الكثير من الناس بالفعل أن قضايا النوع مرتبطة ارتباطًا وثيقًا بالمناقشات حول العنف. وبصرف النظر عن العنف المباشر ، أكد غالتونغ على شكل آخر من أشكال العنف ، ألا وهو العنف الهيكلي ، الذي لم يقم به أفراد ولكنه كان مخبأ في هياكل أصغر وأوسع. ويؤدي الاختراق والتجزئة والتهميش والتجزؤ ، كجزء من الاستغلال ، إلى تعزيز العناصر في الهياكل التي تعمل على منع التكوين والحركة من النضال ضد الاستغلال. يكمن تفكير جوهان غالتونغ في تفكير النسويين المتطرفين. يدعي غالتونغ أن الأبوية هي عنف مباشر وهيكلي وثقافي. يخلق النظام الأبوي انقسامًا بين الأدوار العامة والخاصة ، الإنتاجية والإنجابية ، التي تشكل علاقات قوة غير متكافئة بين الرجال والنساء. بصفتها ناشطة سلام ، اعتبرت قيمة التعليم لحل النزاعات التي قدمها غالتونغ من الحكمة. العنف لا يتم فقط من قبل الرجال ، ولكن أيضا من قبل النساء. وفقا له ، ما ينبغي أن يكره هو الأبوية ، وليس الرجال. يمكن القضاء على أشكال العنف المختلفة واستبدالها بالسلام. إذا وافق الجميع على عدم ارتكاب العنف الجسدي ، حيث يوجد عنف قائم على نوع الجنس ، فسوف يحصل الجميع أيضًا على السلام. Artikel ini akan mengeksplorasi nilai edukasi pemikiran Johan Vincent Galtung tentang resolusi konflik yang ia tawarkan dalam mengurai kekerasan berbasis gender. Sebagaimana yang telah diketahui banyak orang bahwa isu gender sangat lekat dengan pembahasan mengenai kekerasan. Selain kekerasan langsung, Galtung menekankan bentuk lain dari kekerasan, yaitu kekerasan struktural, yang tidak dilakukan oleh individu tetapi tersembunyi dalam struktur yang lebih kecil maupun lebih luas. Penetrasi, segmentasi, marginalisasi dan fragmentasi, sebagai bagian dari eksploitasi merupakan komponen penguat dalam struktur yang berfungsi menghalangi formasi dan mobilitas untuk berjuang melawan eksploitasi. Pemikiran Johan Galtung sejalan dengan pemikiran kaum feminis radikal. Galtung mengklaim patriarki sebagai kekerasan langsung, struktural dan kultural. Patriarki membuat dikotomi antara peran publik dan privat, produktif dan reproduktif, yang membentuk relasi kuasa yang timpang antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Sebagai seorang aktifis perdamaian, nilai edukasi resolusi konflik yang ditawarkan oleh Galtung dirasa cukup bijak. Kekerasan bukan semata-mata dilakukan oleh laki-laki, tetapi juga perempuan. Menurutnya yang harusnya dibenci adalah patriarki, dan bukannya laki-laki. Beragam bentuk kekerasan bisa dihapuskan dan digantikan dengan perdamaian. Jika semua orang sepakat tidak melakukan kekerasan fisik, yang di dalamnya ada kekerasan berbasis gender, maka semua orang juga akan mendapatkan perdamaian.

The Future of the World. The World Futures Studies Federation and the Future as Counter Expertise

Chapter 8 explores the making of futures studies as a counter reaction to futurology and protest against the Cold War world order. Taking as its focus the World Futures Studies Federation, created by the West German journalist and peace activist Robert Jungk and the philosopher and international relations theorist Johan Galtung, the chapter returns to futurism as an interrogation into the nature of humanity, and to the future as a fundamental utopian category. Futures studies were an example of a kind of neo-utopianism, which not only claimed that alternative worlds were possible but also tried to construct new ways of envisioning and realizing such worlds. Futures studies were constructed as a kind of militancy that straddled the boundaries of social science and politics, and mixed in religious and eschatological notions too. Crucial to this enterprise was the willingness to transcend the Cold War world order and create a united Mankind.