military tactics
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Author(s):  
Dilshod Abdukahorovich Bobomurodov ◽  

The life of our great ancestor Sahibkiran Amir Temur, his military tactics, the ability to unite scattered patriotic amirs and beys, to unite in a military group and form a military unit, as an example of educating students in the spirit of military patriotism. wide application and use of a wide range of information will be expedient. Every citizen of independent Uzbekistan grows up to be a loyal, intelligent, strong-willed, deep-thinking and understanding, sharp-witted, a fearless warrior, a patriot and a just defender of the country in schools our great commanders must study deeply the paths they have traversed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vindhya Devalla ◽  
Cris Thomas ◽  
Adthithiyan Neduncheran ◽  
Shiv Capoor ◽  
Amit Kumar Mondal

Abstract Surveillance and reconnaissance play a very important role in military and civil aspects. They are the key factors in military tactics and in the event of civilian calamities. In case of naval warfare, the submarines which are operating under deep water are required to carry out open land mass surveillance in an efficient manner without reaching to the water surface nor revealing their presence and position. This research paper proposes the conceptualized design to develop an autonomous unmanned octocopter system which is capable of being launched from an underwater platform such as submarines, with the help of a tethered launching mechanism known as octopod, to carry out surveillance, reconnaissance and payload delivery. In this paper, we present a novel method for development of UAV with special application on aerial survey from underwater platforms. A variety of design options which are investigated from various trade studies to evaluate the performance along with design configuration to satisfy the specific requirements are also presented in this paper.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110440
Author(s):  
Austin J Knuppe

How do military tactics shape civilian support for foreign intervention? Critics contend that invasive tactics undermine popular support by alienating the civilian population. Counterexamples suggest that civilians will support invasive tactics when foreign counterinsurgents are willing and able to mitigate a proximate threat. I reconcile these divergent findings by arguing that civilian support is a function of threat perception based on three interacting heuristics: social identity, combatant targeting, and territorial control. To evaluate my theory, I enumerate a survey among Iraqi residents in Baghdad during the anti-ISIS campaign. Respondents preferred more invasive tactics when foreign counterinsurgents assisted the most effective local members of the anti-ISIS coalition. Across sectarian divides, however, respondents uniformly opposed the deployment of foreign troops. These findings suggest that in regime-controlled communities, civilians will support counterinsurgents who are invasive enough to mitigate insurgent threats, but not too invasive as to undermine local autonomy.


Early China ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Boqun Zhou

Abstract The crossbow trigger was a powerful device in early Chinese warfare that had a profound impact on military tactics. Against such a background, the word for “trigger,” namely ji, became a pregnant metaphor in ancient texts from the Warring States onwards. It refers to the correlation between a “subtle” initial state and a “dangerous” and far-reaching consequence, because the small movement of pulling the trigger may kill a person at a great distance. Borrowing insights from Hans Blumenberg's metaphorology, I offer a new theory of the original meaning of ji and argue that the trigger mechanism inspires a complex metaphorical scheme that consists of three levels of ambiguities and a web of associated images. It provides a linguistic and cognitive pattern for organizing a wide range of heterogeneous life-world situations, from the moral precariousness of human speech to the vulnerability of an outnumbered army in battle.


Author(s):  
Hoshman A. Mahmod ◽  
Arez A. Abdullah

This article focuses on the politics of U.S. intervention against the Islamic State. In the last two decades after the 9\11, the U.S. intervened in many countries in different ways. For example, the U.S. forces and its allies fully intervened in Afghanistan in 2001 and in Iraq in 2003. After the dynamic changes in the Middle East and the era of Arab spring the intervention has changed in different way. Especially when the terrorist organizations rose the U.S. has repeated the same way used in the Kosovo war (1999) against the Islamic State, which has not fully intervened. U.S. public opinion plays a great role in U.S. politics. Regional and international relations between countries are crucial. It will be worth addressing Turkey, Iran, and Kurdish forces in regional considerations because all of them have a border with the Islamic State. Besides, the IS directly and indirectly, has impacted on them. In international considerations, the U.S. usually makes a coalition and alliance to intervene in countries and groups. The purpose of the study is to understand the politics of U.S. intervention against the Islamic State. This article examines it from three perspectives: firstly, a change in the U.S. policy of intervention; secondly, the U.S. domestic political considerations; thirdly, Regional and International considerations. Following this evaluation, this study answering the question: Why has the U.S. not fully intervened against the Islamic State? This research concludes that the U.S. should change its policy of intervention from one time to another. The U.S. should change its military tactics from one war to another war. The American government should understand how its domestic politics and other countries feel about the politics of U.S. intervention against I.S. ultimately; it appears that the politics of U.S. intervention are complex. However, there is still a way to understand it.  


2021 ◽  
pp. 096834452110175
Author(s):  
Oleg Rusakovskiy

This article focuses on ‘On Military Tactics’ (‘O ratnom povedenii’), composed in winter 1700/1701 by Ivan Pososhkov and considered to be one of the first analytical military treatises written in the Russian language. Pososhkov heavily criticized foreign influences on native warfare, in particular, the Western infantry tactics and drill introduced by the tsar Peter the Great and his predecessors and reflected some controversial problems of contemporary military culture. Despite his declared hostility towards Western methods of warfare, Pososhkov acknowledged the utility of a ‘military science’ and read some foreign books on the subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-230
Author(s):  
T. S. Denisova ◽  
S. V. Kostelyanets

The Islamist group Boko Haram (BH) was founded in the early 2000s and in less than two decades has transformed from a “Nigerian” movement into a regional one. Tactical, strategic and ideological differences between the leaders of BH have repeatedly led to its splits into separate factions; the most serious occurred in 2016, when the group split into the Islamic State in West Africa Province and Jamaatu Ahl-is-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, the latter being still referred to as “Boko Haram” for convenience.The present paper examines the reasons for the splits in BH, the goals and military tactics of the two factions, and the prospects for the development of the security situation in the region of the Lake Chad basin (LCB), where armed conflict is fueled by large-scale poverty, socio-economic and political marginalization, and ineffectiveness of local authorities against the background of intertribal tensions and massive migration.The LCB has now become a huge human reservoir for jihadist recruitment. The situation in the region is further complicated by the fact that a significant portion of the population supports the Islamists, while the majority of locals are targeted by them and seek to leave their homes.The authors note that the division of BH into separate factions has made it more difficult for the LCB armed forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations, and for the LCB governments to negotiate cease fires or retrieve hostages, although, simultaneously, the split has led to a certain decline in the level of violence and to the weakening of the influence of the Islamists on the socio-economic development in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 1316-1323
Author(s):  
Soriev Kholmurod Yakhshimurodovich ◽  
Kasimov Shuhrat Abulkosimovich
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