Negation and negative indefinites raise problems for the principle of compositionality
of meaning, because we find both double and single negation readings in natural
languages. De Swart and Sag (2002) solve the compositionality problem in a polyadic
quantifier framework. The syntax-semantics interface exploits an extension of the
Cooper storage mechanism that HPSG uses to account for scope ambiguities. In de
Swart and Sag (2002), all negative quantifiers are collected into an N-store, and are
interpreted by means of iteration (double negation) or resumption (negative concord)
upon retrieval. This puts the ambiguity between single and double negation readings
in the grammar, rather than in the lexical items. This paper extends the earlier analysis
with a typology of negation and negative indefinites using bi-directional optimality
theory (OT). The constraints defined are universal, but their ranking varies from one
language to the next. In negative concord languages, the functional motivation for the
marking of 'negative variables' wins out, so we use n-words. Double negation
languages value first-order iteration, so we use plain indefinites or negative polarity
items within the scope of negation. The bi-directional set-up is essential, for syntactic
and semantic variation go hand in hand.