1974 – The transformation of “Cyprus dispute”

One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.

Ousting the Cypriot Ethnarch: President Makarios’ Struggle against the Greek Junta, Cypriot Bishops, and Terrorism

This study examined the politics and political involvements of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus in the early postcolonial era, with a special focus on the ecclesiastical coup that aimed for the ouster of Archbishop Makarios III, who was also the President of the Republic of Cyprus from 1960 to 1977. The findings indicate that the Greek junta, Greek Cypriot terrorists, and the three bishops of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus joined forces to oust Makarios by forcing him to resign his presidency. These actors were displeased with Makarios because he tolerated Cypriot communism, refused to follow Athens’ manipulations in Cypriot politics, and promoted Cyprus’ independence by abandoning the pro-Enosis (unification of Cyprus with Greece) political line. The Greek junta tried to dictate policies to Makarios and asked him to resign as he refused to obey. Greek Cypriot terrorists engaged in violence to destabilize the island and oust Makarios. The three bishops summoned the Holy Synod and defrocked the Archbishop as he refused to resign his presidency. Importantly, this research came across with strong indicators that the Greek junta tried to utilize religion in trying to oust the Cypriot ethnarch as the three bishops, immediately after the junta’s failure to oust Makarios in 1972, asked him to resign his presidency. While his rivals failed to oust Makarios, at least until 1974, he called for an international synod and defrocked the three bishops. He managed to retain both posts until the end of his life.

Effect of public health interventions during the first epidemic wave of COVID-19 in Cyprus: a modelling study

Background Cyprus addressed the first wave of SARS CoV-2 (COVID-19) by implementing non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs). The aims of this study were: a) to estimate epidemiological parameters of this wave including infection attack ratio, infection fatality ratio, and case ascertainment ratio, b) to assess the impact of public health interventions and examine what would have happened if those interventions had not been implemented. Methods A dynamic, stochastic, individual-based Susceptible-Exposed-Infected-Recovered (SEIR) model was developed to simulate COVID-19 transmission and progression in the population of the Republic of Cyprus. The model was fitted to the observed trends in COVID-19 deaths and intensive care unit (ICU) bed use. Results By May 8th, 2020, the infection attack ratio was 0.31% (95% Credible Interval [CrI]: 0.15, 0.54%), the infection fatality ratio was 0.71% (95% CrI: 0.44, 1.61%), and the case ascertainment ratio was 33.2% (95% CrI: 19.7, 68.7%). If Cyprus had not implemented any public health measure, the healthcare system would have been overwhelmed by April 14th. The interventions averted 715 (95% CrI: 339, 1235) deaths. If Cyprus had only increased ICU beds, without any social distancing measure, the healthcare system would have been overwhelmed by April 19th. Conclusions The decision of the Cypriot authorities to launch early NPIs limited the burden of the first wave of COVID-19. The findings of these analyses could help address the next waves of COVID-19 in Cyprus and other similar settings.

Foundations of Turkish Claims in the Eastern Mediterranean

The Eastern Mediterranean is becoming a new region of interstate confrontation and clash of national interests. This is largely due to the discovery of oil and gas reserves, the development of which is becoming possible with the existing technology. The Republic of Turkey has a special position regarding this maritime region. The paper analyzes those bases - historical, political and legal - that determine Turkeys current policy with regard to maritime delimitation and the settlement of maritime disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. Particularly, it is shown that Turkeys policy in the region continues to be based on the approaches that were announced by Turkey during the I-III UN Conferences on the Law of the Sea (1958, 1960, 1973-1982 respectively), which have remained unchanged up to now. This position, as regards both the outer limits of the territorial sea, the legal regime of islands and the delimitation of the continental shelf, continues to define the essence of the controversy between Turkey and other countries of the region, including Greece and the Republic of Cyprus. At the same time, it is shown that there is a set of circumstances that significantly limit the prospects of solving these interstate contradictions within the framework of international judicial instances, including the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The conclusion is made that, for both Turkey and Greece, the most acceptable option would be to work out a model of settlement, which would not imply the obligation of its immediate implementation. Particular attention is paid to the ideological and practical framing of Turkish claims within the framework of the Blue Homeland doctrine, developed by a number of retired Turkish officers. It shows how Ankara uses the ideas of pan-Turkism and neo-Ottomanism to justify its claims to vast maritime spaces. The distinctive feature of this doctrine most likely is its anti-American, anti-NATO and anti-European orientation. There is a paradoxical situation when certain ideas enshrined in this concept directly correlate with the interests of the Russian Federation.

Acceptability And Feasibility of a Gamified Digital Eating Disorder Selective Prevention Program (AcceptME) Based On Acceptance And Commitment Therapy (ACT)

Background: Digital prevention programs for a variety of psychological conditions, including eating disorders (EDs) are increasing. Yet, none to date have leveraged gamification and vicarious learning components grounded in empirically-supported therapeutic approaches to engage young people at risk for developing EDs in behavior change. The current paper describes the development and preliminary acceptability and feasibility testing of AcceptME, a novel self-directed, gamified digital ED selective prevention program based on Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT). AcceptME helps women and girls identified at risk for an ED relate differently to their thoughts and feelings, such that these experiences do not have undue influence over their behavior and actions can instead be guided by personal values. Methods: Users learned skills of psychological flexibility by helping a third-person avatar (a main character in a storyline) navigate situations that elicit distressing thoughts/feelings, and via interactive exercises, practiced applying these skills to their own experiences. Young women and girls in the Republic of Cyprus with high weight concern scores (N=58, Mage=15.27, SD=2.25) completed six 30-minute digital sessions and reported on session and intervention acceptability.Results: Attrition was 35.42%. The majority of participants were either “Very” (40%) or “Mostly” (57%) Satisfied with the program. Fifty-two percent reported that the program “Helped a lot,” and 48% said it “Helped a bit.” Conclusion: Digital technology and gamification have advantages for engagement and delivery. The current study suggests a promising direction for early ED interventions to reach at risk youth and preliminary data to guide development.

Republic of Cyprus: «Old» Parties Lose Popularity

This article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections held in Cyprus on May 30, 2021. These elections were held in the context of the aggravation of the issue of the division of the island into Cypriot and Turkish parts and an increase in illegal migration to the island, an increase in the negative impact of the Covid‐19 pandemic, as well as a number of corruption scandals related to the issuance of so-called golden passports. It is shown that the leading Cypriot parties, the ruling Democratic Union and the opposition Progressive Workers Party of Cyprus, continue to lose their supporters who are dissatisfied with the existing party-political system and the inability of these parties for many years to resolve the issue of dividing the country into two states. The center-left Democratic Party (DP) and the Movement for Social Democracy, which took third and fifth places, respectively, retained their modest positions. Against this background, the influence of the nationalist «National Popular Front», which supports the federalization of the Republic of Cyprus, has grown, which came in fourth place. And for the first time, a new liberal party, the Democratic Front, was elected to parliament, also advocating an early solution to the issue of dividing the island by involving international mediators.

A Qualitative Study of Female Migrant Domestic Workers’ Experiences of and Responses to Work-Based Sexual Violence in Cyprus

Domestic workers face increased risk for sexual harassment and assault in the workplace but are often reluctant to disclose abuse or seek retribution. We report on a study looking at migrant domestic workers’ responses to sexual violence, reasons behind their responses, and factors enhancing or diminishing vulnerability to abuse. We carried out qualitative, in-depth, individual and group interviews with 15 female domestic workers from the Philippines and Sri Lanka working in the Republic of Cyprus. Descriptive thematic analysis was used to analyse data using QSR NVivo 10.0. Sexual violence against migrant domestic workers was reported to be rampant, particularly among women living with their employer. Perpetrators took advantage of women’s precarious legal, social, and economic circumstances to coerce women into a sexual relationship. All participants reported taking action to stop attacks despite the significant barriers they faced: racism and discrimination, social isolation, and hostile legal, labour, and immigration systems. Fear of losing their job, being deported, and facing racism and discrimination from the police were the biggest barriers to seeking retribution. Access to informational, e.g., legal, practical, and emotional support, facilitated positive outcomes following abuse, such as finding a new employer. Systemic racism, hostile labour and immigration systems, and lack of support increase risk of sexual violence and place barriers against accessing safe working spaces, protection, and justice. Women need to be informed of the risks involved in domestic work and empowered to identify abuse and access help and support when needed.

Features of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories: comparative and legal aspect

The author of the article makes a comparative legal description of Ukrainian temporarily occupied territories’ legal status through the prism of the international experience that the Republic of Cyprus and Georgia had. Normalization of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine is a priority of the national legislator. However, the question is how effective this direction is. Scientific research is being held to find the answer to this question. It is carried out due to identifying common and distinctive features of the law enforcement practice of the Republic of Cyprus, as one of the longest and most successful examples of counteracting the temporary occupation. The absence of a legal definition of the status of the temporarily occupied territories of Cyprus is established within the framework of national legislation. Moreover, the demarcation line is characterized and the order of crossing the demarcation line is established. Common and distinctive features of normalization of this array of public relations are determined. In disclosing the results of this part of the study, the author establishes an approach to the definition and consolidation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine concerning specific values that are defined by national and international law. Further explorations of the study are conducted taking into account the practice of Georgia, a country whose practice was taken into account directly in the development of national regulators of the status of the temporarily occupied territory. In the course of the research, the author reveals the reasons why the temporarily occupied territories appeared and their consequences for Georgians. The normative basis for settling this issue is singled out, the impossibility of the order of entry / exit to/from the temporarily occupied territory, the responsibility for violating the order of crossing the demarcation line is substantiated. Particular attention is paid to the common features of the definition of the temporarily occupied territories of both states, and the distinctive features of further regulation.

Perceived Stress During the COVID-19-Related Confinement in Cyprus

The COVID-19 pandemic is a serious global health emergency that could potentially have a significant impact on both somatic as well as psychological level. The aim of this study was to assess the prevalence of perceived stress in the general adult population of Cyprus during the first COVID-19 lockdown period. This was an internet-based cross-sectional study conducted between 6 April and 20 June 2020, one to two and a half months after the introduction of and the first mandatory lockdown on its entire territory imposed by the government of the Republic of Cyprus on 24 March 2020. Data collection was done using a self-administered questionnaire that included information about socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, physical activity, smoking habits, and stress level. A total of 1,485 adults participated in the study. The median perceived stress score was 10 (q1 = 6, q3 = 15). Linear regression models showed that having a medium monthly income (€501-1,500) and being a current smoker was positively associated with the perceived stress score, while being male and physically active was negatively associated with the perceived stress score (all p <0.05). People with medium average salary and current smokers were at a higher risk for perceived stress. Psychological interventions and/or psychological services provided in certain vulnerable groups would be beneficial in future lockdowns due to either COVID-19 or a new pandemic.

Landscape in Historical Urban Textures: “Walled City Nicosia From the Past To The Present”

Historical urban textures are the whole of the open and closed public spaces with the buildings and transportation axis, shaped by the cultural heritages of cities. One of the most important elements in historical urban textures, bringing dwellers with nature, and giving life to the city, are landscape spaces. The capital of Cyprus, Nicosia, also has a very rich historical texture. Within this context, the aim of this study is to examine the landscape of the historical urban texture of Nicosia from the past to the present, within the whole of various cultural periods including the present day status. Therefore, the development of Nicosia through the historical process is given right after the introduction. After the introduction, landscape of walled city of Nicosia was examined through the historical periods: Lusignan Period, Venetian Period, Ottoman Period, British Period, Republic of Cyprus Period, and the present day period, TRNC Period.