Race and racism in the founding of the modern world order

While race existed as a cultural marker in earlier history, a mutually-reinforcing link between racism, slavery and empire is a distinct product of western Europe and the US-led world order. Yet, mainstream scholarship on International Relations has obscured the question of race or worse, legitimized its exclusion in discussions of world order-building. At the same time, demand for racial equality from anti-colonial forces presented an alternative and inclusive conception of world order. The first part of this article offers a brief discussion of concepts of race, racism and world order. The next part examines how racist ideas and norms created exclusionary frameworks and approaches of world order, such as the European ‘standard of civilization’ principle. The third part looks at the role of racism in the emergence of the American-led world order, including US President Woodrow Wilson's rejection of the ‘racial equality’ principle in the League of Nations Charter, the privileging of ‘sovereign equality’ over ‘racial equality’ in the UN Charter, and the scant attention given to the link between colonialism and denial of human rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet, anti-colonial leaders and conferences, especially the 1955 Bandung Conference, integrated ‘national sovereignty, racialism and colonialism’, and demanded racial equality as a fundamental human right. The final part cautions against the dangers of complacency and compartmentalizing the study of race and racism, and calls instead for viewing racism as an inter-linked global challenge, hence integral to the emerging research agenda of Global International Relations.

Language Matters: How Baker Library is Working Towards Conscious and Inclusive Description

Inclusive and conscious archival description can support consistency in researching and describing marginalized groups and can serve to provide context and a counter-narrative reflecting the perspective of the documented community. It can also help to address the power imbalances between creators and subjects of records. In this article, the authors describe efforts to prepare best practice guidelines for inclusive description and for revising descriptions to remediate outdated, problematic, or offensive language and meet modern standards. They also share how the project team is working together to create meaningful and enduring changes that both provide a better experience for staff and users and support Harvard Business School’s Action Plan for Racial Equality.

Why we need to reimagine the curricula in higher education to make it more culturally sensitive

Persistent racial equality gaps exist in HE. We argue that culturally sensitive curricula can address those racial equality gaps as well as support the development of culturally competent graduates equipped for social change. In this short piece, we briefly describe our conceptualisation of culturally sensitive curricula and the tool we have developed to support curricular enhancement. We report on emerging evidence of the impact of culturally sensitive curricula on students' engagement and suggest how such curricula could lead to impact on educational outcomes.

Unity through Education

The last four years have not only witnessed the largest domestic protests in U.S. history, but the steady polarization of U.S. politics has been a widening trend for decades. Policymakers eager to heal the country can learn from history. The Progressive Era offers one big idea to reduce division: public education. A robust educational system undergirds progress, stability, and unity, and it enables follow-on opportunities of social reform and equality. The Progressive Era’s laudable expansion of public education also, however, reversed progress on racial equality and neglected to resolve an inflammatory media, mistakes that have contributed to today’s division. Learning from the successes and failures of one of the most ambitious Progressive Era programs presents the United States with one path forward to solving its internal turmoil.

Texas, monuments, toward a politics of self-reckoning

In this article, I examine the efforts of a group of anti-Confederate monument activists in Williamson County, Texas. The article begins with the history of the monument itself, 100 years before the activists initiated their efforts. The intransigence to removing the Confederate monument is symbolic of white resistance to struggles for racial equality more broadly. Second, I discuss how the local legal impasse has contributed to distinct anti-monument activist strategies that deploy counternarratives and memories, from performances, to challenging narrative claims regarding who is more patriotic. Finally, I explore the politics of self-reckoning—the process by which white people find that they have to answer for racism deep within themselves as well as in relation to violent white supremacy and the legal and institutional fortress that protects whiteness generally. Battling both racists and racist institutions is hard and lengthy, and monument activism persistently exposes what is at stake.

Examining Racism in Psychoanalytic Training: Perspectives from a Psychiatry Resident

The author reviews pervasive racial biases in psychoanalysis, spanning from overt instances of racial judgement to the normalized tendencies of internalized racist societal structures on individuals. A personalized account is given addressing how such issues have led to a hesitancy in the author— a Black and Hispanic psychiatry resident—to pursue psychoanalytic training. Institutes can more appropriately acknowledge how racism has affected their patients and the theories of the mind that are commonly promulgated. Academic institutions need to actively engage in creating awareness of racial bias, microaggressions, and uncovering unconscious negative attitudes. This will aid in the development of educational approaches that strive toward racial equality and inclusiveness.

The pursuit of a life less ordinary. The trajectory of afro-brazilian actor Milton Gonçalves.

Milton Gonçalves is one of the most awarded actors in Brazil. He is a descendant of slaves, born in 1933 and, as such, he faced the challenges imposed on Afro-Brazilians during post-abolition: poverty and racial discrimination. This article utilizes interviews, newspapers and other media to examine the trajectory of Milton Gonçalves: his origins, life in São Paulo during the Vargas Era, the Teatro de Arena, the TV Channel Globo. Milton goes from being a shy young man to becoming the face and voice recognized by hundreds of millions in Brazil. He also became engaged in the struggle for racial equality in Brazil.

Colloquium 5 Anger and Our Humanity: Transhumanists Stoke the Flames of an Ancient Conflict

This paper presents Stoicism as, in broad historical terms, the point of origin in Western thought of an extreme form of rational essentialism that persists today in the debate over human bioenhancement. Advocates of “radical” enhancement (or transhumanists) would have us codify extreme rational essentialism through manipulation of genes and the brain to maximize rational ability and eliminate the capacity for emotions deemed unsalutary. They, like Stoics, see anger as especially dangerous. The ancient dispute between Stoics and Aristotle over the nature and permissibility of anger has contemporary analogues. I argue that, on the merits, this controversy should, finally, be put to rest in Aristotle’s favor. Beyond its philosophical assets, Aristotle’s perspective meshes well with “appraisal theory” of emotion in psychology and corresponding discoveries in neuroscience. What’s more, consideration of the ongoing struggle to achieve full racial equality in the United States supports the view that anger at this ongoing gap between λόγος and ἔργον is legitimate, and has a constructive role to play in furthering liberal democracy. As we are well positioned to retire the Stoics’ legacy regarding anger, all the more should we eschew transhumanists’ proposal to implement their position biologically, at which point debate over the nature and worth of anger would be permanently moot.