A Gently Slopped Leadership: Parliamentary Support for Presidents in France

2021 ◽  
pp. 31-66
Author(s):  
Damien Lecomte ◽  
Olivier Rozenberg
Keyword(s):  
Parliamentary Support

Spain’s Sanchez faces tough battle after Madrid loss

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Party Competition ◽  
Main Issue ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Decline ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Significance The result led Pablo Iglesias, the founder of Unidas Podemos (UP), which is part of Sanchez’s minority left-wing government, to resign from politics. It also reinforced the national decline of the centre-right Ciudadanos (Cs) party, on which Sanchez has sometimes relied for parliamentary support. Impacts A fresh independence push in Catalonia would boost the electoral prospects of the PP and the far-right Vox party across Spain. Whether to cooperate with Vox in government could become the main issue of division within the PP. The return to traditional two-party competition between the PP and PSOE would increase the prospect of more stable governments.

‘Bitter Victory, Sweet Defeat.’ The March 1996 General Elections and the New Government in Spain

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Balfour
Keyword(s):  
General Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Support

As The Results of The General Elections In Spain of 3 March were being announced, the leaders of the two main parties came out of their respective headquarters to greet the crowds of well-wishers. To judge by the expression on their faces, one could be forgiven for thinking that the victors had lost and the losers had won. A jubilant Felipe González, the outgoing Premier, uttered the phrase which serves as the main title of this article. The paradoxical outcome of the election was that in order to form a government, the victors were forced to seek the kind of parliamentary support which they had bitterly decried in the outgoing government and a pact with parties that they had mercilessly attacked during the previous legislature.

Parliamentary support

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (42) ◽  
pp. 47-47
Author(s):  
Dafydd Wigley
Keyword(s):  
Parliamentary Support

New Cyprus parliament will be tougher to deal with

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Subject The May 22 parliamentary elections. Significance The elections had the lowest turnout in the history of the Republic of Cyprus and brought about significant changes in the composition of the chamber. They were conducted amid a climate of fragile economic recovery and talks with the Turkish Cypriots on reunification. The outcome was a weakening of parliamentary support for the talks and a louder voice for nationalist, anti-austerity and anti-reform views. Impacts The government that is in place will not be affected because Cyprus has a presidential system. However, the lack of a parliamentary majority could hinder the Cypriot economy's fragile recovery. Resolving the division of Cyprus problem would be a significant positive boost for the very insecure Eastern Mediterranean.

Spain's new government may be unstable and ineffective

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
Social Tensions ◽  
Spending Cuts ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Significance His parliamentary approval only succeeded thanks to abstentions by the Socialist Party (PSOE). He will now form a minority government with the weakest parliamentary support for any prime minister since competitive elections returned to Spain in 1977. Impacts Tax rises, possibly in combination with spending cuts, may trigger a revival of social tensions. In the absence of major policy initiatives, economic growth is likely to slow down in 2017. Rajoy's dependence on PSOE and Citizens collaboration to pass a budget for 2017 by end-November will give them some leverage.

Arbitration row may hurt Zagreb more than Ljubljana

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
Bad Faith ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Pull Out ◽  
Arbitration Process ◽  
National Solidarity ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Significance The arbitration concerens the two countries' borders, most notably in the Bay of Piran. Croatian Prime Minister Zoran Milanovic claimed the process had been 'contaminated' by contact between the Slovenian member of the panel and the Slovenian Foreign Ministry's delegate to the court. Slovenia wants the process to continue and accuses Croatia of acting in bad faith and itself contaminating the arbitration process by spying on both the court and Slovenia. The Croatian government maintains parliamentary support was not needed legally; the vote in the Sabor is intended to indicate national solidarity. Impacts Croatia's withdrawal will destabilise the arbitration process and in effect end its work, even if Croatia cannot legally simply pull out. If the process ends, Slovenia will again fail to establish direct access to international waters, after an unratified 2011 deal. Croatia's withdrawal will encourage further border tensions in the region. Antagonising international partners is especially risky for Croatia as its economy is precarious and likely to need assistance.

Moderates look likely to win Catalan elections

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Impact ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Significance The moderate pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), which also provides occasional parliamentary support to Spain’s minority government, appears to win the most seats. The more radical pro-independence parties are struggling to regain the appeal they had in 2017. Impacts The lack of stable government in Catalonia could last longer if the second wave of COVID-19-19 were to postpone the election. With the ERC in campaign mode, hopes of approving a new Spanish budget in January will probably be set back by several months. The longer-term social and economic impact of COVID-19 could strengthen support for Catalan independence.

scholarly journals Hukum Islam dalam Pergumulan Politik Hukum Nasional Era Reformasi

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 273
Author(s):  
M. Shohibul Itmam
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Law And Politics ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Support

Abstract: This paper describes the existence of Islamic Law in the plurality of national law amidst the process of the tug of political struggle of national law in reform era. This discussion is focused on the following; first, the struggle of religion, law and politics in Indonesia; second, the development of Indonesian law and politics of law in reform era; third, the opportunities and challenges of Islamic law in the middle of the plurality of national law in reform era. This paper was as a result of library research using legal normative status, historical, and sociological point of view. The result of this study was that the struggle of religion, law and politics in Indonesia was as a process of symbiosis mutualism. Every religion has the same rights in a democratic frame of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution and the government is as its regulator. The development of law and political law of the reform era indicated that the presence of political sciencetific engineering of Dutch law had resulted in positive law in Indonesia which had not met the legal awareness of the community. In fact, the opportunities and challenges of Islamic law in the middle of the plurality of national law of reform era are formulated in three aspects. Politically, the weak parliamentary support in the National Legislation Program  PROLEGNAS) affects the existence of Islamic law. Philosophically, the internal conflict in the understanding of Islamic law sometimes marginalize Islamic law itself. And sociologically, only few values of Islamic law are absorbed in a national scale.

The Collor Presidency from the Electoral Campaign to the Impeachment

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brasilio Sallum
Keyword(s):  
Legal Protection ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Financial Assets ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Original Plan ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
High Inflation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Parliamentary Support

In December 1989, Fernando Collor was elected President of Brazil, in the first election after the 1988 democratic Constitution. The election occurred under the threat of hyperinflation. The winner did not have strong parliamentary support, but the urgency for fighting high inflation gave to the President some time to govern without Judiciary and Legislative resistance. Soon after his inauguration, on March 15, the President launched heterodox stabilization measures—the Collor Plan—to “liquidate inflation.” This plan froze prices, changed the currency, and retained part of checking and saving accounts and other financial assets in Central Bank accounts, to be returned to the owners from September 1991 on. The government also started liberal reforms, privatizing state-owned enterprises and reducing barriers to international trade. The Collor Plan reduced the high inflation, but prices soon increased. On March 31, 1991, the government launched the Collor Plan II, once more against inflation. Having had bad results with the original plan, the government adopted economic orthodoxy, but high inflation remained. The center and left-wing party opposition grew, claiming legal protection for lower salaries and other demands for a substantive democracy. The conservatives pressed for more participation in the Executive in exchange of parliamentary support. President Collor resisted these pressures but finally made a ministerial reform in April 1992, to please the conservative parties and to strengthen his power. However, in May, a magazine published two interviews where the President’s younger brother accused him of corruption. In reaction, the center and left opposition parties made a coalition, and the Congress decided to organize a Mixed Parliamentary Inquiry Commission (CPMI) to investigate the accusation. After three months of inquiry, the CPMI approved, on August 26, a report saying that the President had committed crimes that allowed Congress to impeach him. Since August 16, the CPMI had been supported by a huge mass mobilization for impeachment. The mobilization continued until the Chamber of Representatives decided, on September 27, to allow the judgment of the President by Senate. This decision was achieved because conservative parties were included in the alliance around Vice President Itamar Franco. In December 1992, the Senate voted for Collor’s impeachment.

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