The Weight of Being Unauthorized? Legal Status Variation in the Association between US Exposure and Obesity among Hispanic Immigrants in Los Angeles

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire E. Altman ◽  
James D. Bachmeier
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Hispanic Immigrants

Asian Pacific Americans Living with HIV Who Were Smuggled Immigrants: A Qualitative Study

2021 ◽  
pp. 105477382110085
Author(s):  
Feifei Huang ◽  
Wei-Ti Chen ◽  
Cheng-Shi Shiu ◽  
Wenxiu Sun ◽  
Abigail Radaza ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Infectious Diseases ◽  
Health Care Providers ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Care Providers ◽  
Migration Routes ◽  
Migrant Smuggling ◽  
Living With Hiv

Migrant smuggling is a humanitarian crisis that impacts public health. A limited number of studies have focused on the links between migrant smuggling and its impact on the risk of infectious diseases, including HIV, for those smuggled. To explore these links, we conducted in-depth interviews with 11 Asian and Pacific Americans (APA) living with HIV in New York and Los Angeles. Qualitative content analysis revealed that smuggled immigrants described their experience as one with opportunity and danger. Smuggled immigrants, who aimed to achieve their American dream, were influenced by hometown pioneers who successfully journeyed to the United States and by the prospect of gaining legal status through immigration policy similar to the 1986 amnesty. Unfortunately, the long and dangerous journey exposed the immigrants to health problems, including risk for HIV. Thus, health care providers for immigrants should assess their migration routes and screen for infectious diseases.

Comparison of Two Methods for Estimating the Number of Undocumented Mexican Adults in Los Angeles County

1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 1446-1473 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Heer ◽  
Jeffrey S. Passel
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
The United States ◽  
Metropolitan Statistical Area ◽  
Immigration And Naturalization Service ◽  
Resident Aliens ◽  
Mexican Adults

This article compares two different methods for estimating the number of undocumented Mexican adults in Los Angeles Country (i.e., the Los Angeles Primary Metropolitan Statistical Area or PMSA). The first method, called the survey-based method, uses a combination of 1980 census data and the results of a survey conducted in Los Angeles County in 1980 and 1981. A sample was selected from babies born in Los Angeles County who had a mother or father of Mexican origin. The survey included questions about the legal status of the baby's parents and certain other relatives. The resulting estimates of undocumented Mexican immigrants are for males aged 18 to 44 years and females aged 18 to 39 years. The second method, called the residual method, is the method used by Warren and Passel (1987) and Passel and Woodrow (1984) to estimate the number of undocumented aliens counted in the 1980 census for the United States and each state, respectively. The method involves comparison of census figures for aliens counted with estimates of legally-resident aliens developed principally with data from the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). For this study, estimates by age, sex, and period of entry were produced for persons born in Mexico and living in Los Angeles County.

For Those Families Who Are Deported and Have No Place to Land

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Patiño
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Chicano Movement ◽  
Border Enforcement ◽  
Movement Organization ◽  
Enforcement Policies

Chapter 3 intervenes in the larger scholarship on CASA (The Center for Autonomous Social Action), a national Chicano Movement organization based in Los Angeles, by being the first analysis of its San Diego chapter called CASA Justicia. It reveals CASA Justicia as a significant political space that introduced younger Chicano Movement activists to elder organizers who had struggled against the deportation regime in earlier decades. CASA’s offering of legal and social services to immigrants suffering the perils of undocumented legal status unleashed a wave of migrant agency – that infused Chicano Movement ideological narratives with – and influenced the mostly Mexican-American administrators of CASA to a point where their own identities shifted. Migrants infused their narratives about the way border enforcement policies were an intensely repressive presence in their day-to-day lives determining their ability to be present in their familial relationships, to provide sustenance and economic well-being, and to freely move about.

Americanism and Anti-Americanism of Mexican Immigrants in Los Angeles

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
National Identities ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
The People ◽  
Low Levels ◽  
Multicultural Identities ◽  
The U.S

This essay argues that U.S.-Mexico relations are so paradoxical, unstable, and sensitive that it is difficult to determine whether or not Mexican people have anti-American sentiments. A randomized survey conducted by Ibarra and his research team in 2004 with foreign-born Mexicans from Sinaloa in Los Angeles County included questions about their attitudes and values. The answers revealed a growing adhesion of these immigrants to an American way of life but in a transformed fashion, keeping their ethno-national identities and forming transnational multicultural identities that cannot be labeled as anti-American. The essay points out that 60 percent of people in Mexico have a relative living in the U.S., and contemplates some of the likely implications of this fact. Ibarra contrasts this with the March 2006 CIDAC-Zogby International survey on perceptions of Mexico and the U.S., which showed that only 47 percent of the people in Mexico have a favorable opinion of Americans, that 66 percent have a negative opinion of the U.S. government, and that 73 percent consider Americans racist. Ibarra asks if it is possible to imagine poor Mexican people with low levels of English proficiency, limited schooling, and undocumented legal status in the U.S. experimenting with, and producing, a new form of Americanism. After all, he argues, they are the new Americans and, in the process, they are redefining what it means to be American.

MIDWIFERY IS STAGING REVIVAL

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 88 (5) ◽  
pp. 912-912
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Prenatal Care ◽  
Rural Women ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Public Hospitals ◽  
World Health ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Additional Funding ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The U.S

The practice of having midwives deliver babies and provide prenatal care is undergoing a rebirth in the U.S. All 50 states long ago legalized the practice of midwifery by registered nurses operating mostly from hospitals. But midwives who aren't nurses and largely do deliveries at home are now seeking legal status. Montana legalized non-nurse midwives last year, and a half-dozen states are considering legalization. Washington, which set up a scholarship fund to train midwives in 1989, is considering additional funding. And the nonprofit Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching has held two seminars in the past year to promote the profession, following the World Health Organization's declaration of an "urgent need" to promote midwifery throughout the U.S. . . . Fueling demand for midwives are poor and rural women, but also many middle-class and affluent professional women who shun more impersonal, high-tech hospital care. "They want someone to treat them as an individual, not as a potential lawsuit waiting to happen," says Joan Remington, a Flagstaff, Ariz., midwife. "Women are tested to death and begin to think they are a disaster waiting to happen." Demand for midwives is also being driven by the sickly state of obstetrics. One in eight obstetricians—hurt by malpractice insurance costs averaging $38,138 and soaring to more than $236,000 in some areas—has simply stopped delivering babies. . . One in four won't handle a high-risk pregnant woman; more than a third won't take Medicaid patients. Nearly 800 counties, 26% of all counties nationwide, lack any clinic where women can get prenatal care. At Los Angeles public hospitals, women sometimes deliver babies unattended in the hallway.

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