Anthony Seldon: The Impossible Office? The History of the British Prime Minister

Society ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Bartle
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
History Of

scholarly journals Queen Ṭǝru Wärq’s Necklace

Aethiopica ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 202-206
Author(s):  
Richard Pankhurst
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Glass Beads ◽  
Benjamin Disraeli ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
History Of

Miscellaneous ArticleThe article, which traces the Ethiopian history of beads and necklaces, focuses on an unpublished necklace which belonged to Emperor Tewodros’s consort Queen Ṭǝru Wärq. Acquired by Robert Napier, apparently after her death in 1868, it was presented by Napier to the then British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli. The necklace, though unique, is in Ethiopia’s necklace tradition; and utilizes the country’s three main traditional types of jewellery: silver caskets, silver filigree, and glass beads. A work of some sophistication it is not without artistic, as well as historical interest.

The Foreign Policy Mechanism of the Union Of South Africa and the Development of its Diplomatic Relations (1910–1948)

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Evolution ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
History Of

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.

Specters of Colonialism - Sven Augustijnen's Haunted Cinema

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Marzec
Keyword(s):  
Jacques Derrida ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Philosophical Perspective ◽  
History Of ◽  
Contemporary Cinema ◽  
Presence And Absence

The author analyzes Sven Agustijnen's Specters from the philosophical perspective. He tries to prove that the cinema of the Belgian director is haunted because it presents the reality as made out of traces, which disturb the traditional division into presence and absence. The author analyzes Augustijnen's film techniques and uses Jacques Derrida hauntology to show, how contemporary cinema tries to face the difficult and unfinished colonial history of Belgium (the genocide in Congo during the reign of the Belgian king Leopold II and the murder of the first prime minister of the independent Congo, Patrice Lumumba).

Negotiations leading to Anglo-Polish agreement of 31 March 1939

1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (38) ◽  
pp. 156-192
Author(s):  
T. Desmond Williams
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
British Prime Minister

By March 21 the British prime minister had discovered that, owing to difficulties raised by Poland and Russia, as well as by Rumania, it would be impossible to secure the support of all the four great powers for the declaration he had suggested on March 20. Chamberlain accordingly altered his course, and on the same day, through Halifax, threw out the suggestion of a bilateral arrangement for mutual consultation between Britain and Poland. The foreign secretary had a long discussion with Count Raczynski, who had received instructions from Warsaw to inform London of Polish objections to the proposed four-power declaration.

Włoska Partia Socjalistyczna i opozycja zza „żelaznej kurtyny”: przypadek Polski w kontekście relacji Craxi–Solidarność

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (325) ◽  
pp. 5-53
Author(s):  
Enrico Landoni
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Charismatic Leadership ◽  
Practical Realization ◽  
Soviet System ◽  
History Of ◽  
General Secretary

The election of Bettino Craxi as PSI general secretary marked, from 1976, a very important turning point in thehistory of Italian socialism. His dynamic and charismatic leadership in fact contributed to a profound revisionof its ideological seeds, the so-called scientific Marxism, and above all to the recovery of the humanitarianand libertarian suggestions of pre-Marxist socialism. This led to the clear and definitive condemnation of theMarxist-Leninist model, which had found its practical realization in the Soviet system and in the countriesbeyond the Curtain, and prompted PSI to support the anti-communist dissidence and to establish strongrelations with the Polish opposition and above all with Solidarność. Craxi, both in the role of PSI generalsecretary and as Italian prime minister, was able to provide it with a great political-diplomatic support and alot of concrete help. Up to now, the history of these relations has not yet been adequately studied and thispaper therefore aims to fill the gap.

Who Wants a United Ireland?

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Harvey Cox
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Great Majority ◽  
Easter Rising ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The People ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Irish People ◽  
Irish Republicanism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Elected Representatives

THE PROVISIONAL IRA'S ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE THE BRITISH Prime Minister and Cabinet at Brighton on 12 October 1984, represents the most dramatic move to date in a reputedly 20-year strategy of inducing the British to withdraw from Northern Ireland and leave Ireland to the Irish. Where nonviolent Irish nationalists have aimed, most notably through the New Ireland Forum Report published in May 1984, to persuade the British that the 1920 constitutional settlement dividing Ireland is inherently unstable and must be dismantled, the Provisional IRA has no faith in this course of action. The British, they calculate, will be persuaded not by the force of argument but by the argument of force. In this they can claim, with some justification, to be the true heirs of the Easter Rising of 1916. At that time the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, which was to become the basic document of Irish republicanism, declared ‘… the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible’. Since the 1916 Proclamation was ratified by the first subsequent meeting of elected representatives of the Irish people, the first Dáil Eireann, in 1919, representing virtually all but the Ulster unionist minority, and since the right and the aspiration to Irish unity have been reaffirmed by all non-unionist Irish parties ever since, it must be a truth universally acknowledged that the division of Ireland is unjust and undemocratic and that the reunification of the country is the rightful aspiration of the great majority of its people.

India: Federalism, Majoritarian Nationalism, and the Vulnerable and Marginalized

2021 ◽  
pp. 173-188
Author(s):  
Reeta Chowdhari Tremblay ◽  
Namitha George
Keyword(s):  
Growth Rate ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Colonial Period ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Exit Strategy ◽  
Ministry Of Health ◽  
Daily Record ◽  
History Of

This chapter traces the history of Covid-19 in India and the government’s response. India has a long and tarnished history of reaching for emergency powers, which stretches back to the colonial period, in times of political crisis. Although India did not declare a formal constitutional emergency after its first reported case of Covid-19, within just under eight weeks, India went from “no health emergency” to a country-wide twenty-one-day lockdown. Despite a daily record jump in the number of deaths and cases each day since mid-March, India’s Ministry of Health, Family, and Welfare has consistently maintained a narrative that the growth rate of the Covid-19 cases in India has remained linear and not exponential; that its strict twenty-one-day lockdown, whose objective was preventive, has successfully slowed the spread of the virus; that India is “on the path of success and will win the war against the pandemic”; and that the two extensions of the lockdown should be considered an exit strategy. The chapter then discusses the policy instruments invoked to respond to the pandemic and examines some of the challenges and consequences resulting from them: the federal jurisdictional management of a pandemic, particularly in the treatment of informal migrant workers; and the reinforcement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s populism and Hindutva majoritarian nationalism.

Churchill, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer (1874 –1965)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gerena Cubbon
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Home Office ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
First Time

Winston Churchill was British Prime Minister twice during his eventful political career. Churchill initially served the British Empire as a soldier in the Caribbean, India, and Africa during the imperial wars of the 1890s. His political service began in Parliament in May 1904 when he joined the Liberal Party and became undersecretary at the Colonial Office (1905). Prime Minister Herbert Asquith promoted Churchill to the Home Office and, in 1911, appointed him First Lord of the Admiralty. After briefly resigning from politics, Churchill returned in 1917 as an ardent anti-communist, joining the Conservatives in 1924, the year he became Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty following the outbreak of World War II and became Prime Minister for the first time in May 1940. As Prime Minister during the war, Churchill relied on vigorous nationalist rhetoric to rouse his compatriots against Germany. Although defeated in the general election of 1945, he continued to speak and publish, delivering his famous "iron curtain" speech at Fulton College in Missouri on March 5, 1946. A lifelong anti-communist, he used this particular speech to emphasize the ideological gulf between the democratic, liberty-embracing West and the Soviet Union. Churchill again served as Prime Minister from 1951 until 1955.

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