scholarly journals Atmospheric Pollution, Health, and Height in Late Nineteenth Century Britain

2018 ◽  
Vol 78 (4) ◽  
pp. 1210-1247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy E. Bailey ◽  
Timothy J. Hatton ◽  
Kris Inwood

In nineteenth century Britain atmospheric pollution from coal-fired industrialization was on the order of 50 times higher than today. We examine the effects of these emissions on child development by analysing the heights on enlistment during WWI of men born in England and Wales in the 1890s. We find a strong negative relationship between adult heights and the coal intensity of the districts in which these men were observed as children in the 1901 census. The subsequent decline in atmospheric pollution likely contributed to the long-term improvement in health and increase in height.

2014 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Colpitts

In late nineteenth century and especially in the interwar years, “free traders” took advantage of better transport systems to expand trade with Dene people in the Athabasca and Mackenzie Districts. Well versed in fur grading and supported by credit in the expanding industrializing fur industry in the south, “itinerant” peddlers worked independently and often controversially alongside larger capitalized fur companies such as the Hudson’s Bay Company. A large number of these newcomers were Jews. This article suggests that Jews and, to a lesser extent, Lebanese and other Arabic traders became critical in the modernization of the Canadian North. They helped create an itinerant trader-Dene “contact zone” where the mixed meaning of credit, cash, and goods transactions provided northern Aboriginal trappers the means to negotiate modernism on their own terms in the interwar years. However, by the late 1920s, the state, encouraged by larger capitalized companies, implemented policies to restrict and finally close down this contact zone. The history of itinerant trading, then, raises questions about the long-term history of capitalism and co-related economic neo-colonialism in the Canadian north and their impact on First Nations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 18-42
Author(s):  
Hugo Cerón-Anaya

Chapter 1 analyzes the history of golf in Mexico, showing a long-term pattern of class and racialized dynamics associated to the sport. The first part describes how wealthy Anglo-American immigrants brought golf to late nineteenth-century Mexico. This section explains how the early development of golf was connected to the spread of modernity, capitalism, and Anglo-American racialized ideas, dynamics that informed the creation of a class- and race-based privileged space. The second part of the chapter chronicles the transformation that golf experienced after the 1940s when a growing number of affluent Mexicans joined this sport. The change, however, did not eradicate some of the early restrictive dynamics. The chapter ends by showing how the neoliberal policies introduced by the late 1980s significantly expanded the number of golf clubs existing in the country. Despite the considerable expansion, golf is still the preserve of the upper middle and upper classes in today’s Mexico.


1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 17-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Woollard

This article discusses the importance of classifying occupations both to the original collectors of the occupational data contained within the late-nineteenth century censuses and to present-day historians with particular reference to the 1881 censuses of England and Wales. It describes the method by which occupational data was collected and prepared for classifiation in 1881. It shows that the classifications of occupations in the 1881 were remarkably similar to a present-day recoding exercise and concludes that the rules laid down by the Census Office in 1881 for the tabulation of occupations were acted on as well as possible by the contemporary clerks. The final section demonstrates these results and explains why differences might have occurred.


Author(s):  
Michael Share

AbstractFrom the late nineteenth century until the hand-over of Macao to Chinese rule about one hundred years later, Russia and the Soviet Union demonstrated discernible, though far from overwhelming, interest in the tiny Portuguese territory of Macao. Their activities and involvement in the enclave served as an interesting contrast and coda to their more extensive dealings with the larger entities of British Hong Kong and even more problematic Taiwan. Both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union had definite policies towards both Hong Kong and Taiwan; though policy emphasis altered dramatically over time, especially towards Hong Kong, both regimes sought to expand their trade with, and activities in, those territories. Soviet and Russian policies toward Macao were in some ways less consistent, circumscribed by the relative insignificance of the territory, and also for several decades from the 1920s onward by the implacable long-term hostility of the fascist Portuguese government toward Soviet Communism. Even so, the fact that first Russian and then Soviet foreign policymakers assigned some importance to Macao is amply demonstrated by the Foreign Ministry Archive, which contains nearly thirty files of varying size spanning the period from 1910 to 1987.


1999 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 290-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Carmona ◽  
James Simpson

For long periods, and in line with recent theoretical literature, the rabassa morta sharecropping contract successfully reduced problems of moral hazard and opportunistic behavior, and provided incentives for sharecroppers to respond to market opportunities. However, from the late nineteenth century, technical change, rising wages, and weak wine prices all increased the incentives for postcontractual opportunistic behavior on the part of the sharecropper, leading to conflicts and loss of trust between the principal and agent.


Urban History ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 24-38
Author(s):  
Hartmut Kaelble

‘There is still a class of menials and a class of masters, but these classes are not always composed of the same individuals, still less of the same families; and those who command are not more secure of perpetuity than those who obey—At any moment a servant may become a master, and he aspires to rise to that condition’. This view of social mobility in North America by Alexis de Tocqueville in 1840 has been the predominant perception almost to the present. Only after the Second World War did two basically different arguments emerge. On the one hand, historians of social mobility in nineteenth-century American and European cities, such as Boston, Marseille, and Bochum came to the tentative conclusion that rates of upward social mobility were in fact higher in the United States than in Europe and that this was especially true for upward mobility from the working-class into non-manual occupations. In effect, their assessments corroborated the assertion which Tocqueville had made more than a century ago. The explanation for these differences, historians argued, was to be found in the values of the European working class: a strong traditional commitment to the occupational heredity, or the beginnings of class consciousness, kept European workers from using chances of social ascent into non-manual occupations much more than American workers. On the other hand, Seymour M. Lipset and Reinhard Bendix have claimed that social mobility becomes similarly high in all societies, once a certain degree of industrialization and economic expansion has been reached. The idea behind this argument is that rates of social mobility depend on economic development and changes of occupational structure, which both follow the same basic pattern in Europe and North America. Whilst the empirical evidence for this assessment depends on post-1945 studies of social mobility in America and Europe, there are grounds for projecting the argument back to the late nineteenth century. First, if economic development does lead to similar mobility rates, this effect should have emerged by the end of the era of industrialization. Secondly, studies of the trend of social mobility in the United States as well as in various European countries show the same long term stability of rates of social mobility since the late nineteenth century. Hence, if rates of social mobility were similar after the Second World War, and if the long term trend was similar too, mobility rates at the end of the era of industrialization cannot have differed much.


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