The Quasi-War in East Asia: Japan's Expedition to Taiwan and the Ryūkyū Controversy

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Pak-Wah Leung

AbstractThe 1870s witnessed mounting tension among East Asian countries. In 1874,. Japan sent an expeditionary force to Taiwan to punish the aborigines there who had, in 1871, killed fifty-four shipwrecked Ryūkyūans (Liu-ch'iuans). By doing so, according to many scholars today, Japan was able to claim retroactively that the Ryūkyūan castaways were legally Japanese subjects, thereby ending the Sino-Japanese dispute over the ambiguous political status of the Ryūkyū Islands (the Chūzan Kingdom of Ryūkyū paid tribute to both China and the Satsuma-han of Japan before the 18705).This paper is a reappraisal of this episode of the ‘Quasi-war’ in East Asia. By going into the Chinese, Japanese, Ryūkyūan, and Western sources, it unfolds some unknown events which directly and indirectly led to the Japanese decision to send forces to Taiwan, as well as the Chinese reactions. The conclusion of this paper refutes the customary view which holds that China had in 1874 ‘renounced her claim over Ryūkyū and yielded to the Japanese claim she had earlier disputed.’ As this paper will show, neither Soejima Taneomi nor Ōkubo Toshimichi had succeeded in securing any Chinese endorsement of Japan's sovereign right over Ryūky¯. Nor did the Sino-Japanese Treaty of 1874, concerning the settlement of the Taiwan crisis, legally settle the Ryūkyū problem, since Ryūky¯ was never mentioned in the Treaty. As a result, the issue continued to trouble Peking and Tokyo in the years that immediately followed.

Author(s):  
Mamoru Akamine

This chapter looks at the Gusuku period (roughly the fifteenth century), when Ryukyu was divided into two cultural spheres – northern and southern. This period saw the rise of local fiefs, and increased trade between them and others in East Asia (Japan, China, Korea, etc.). The chapter describes how Song China developed an East Asian Trade sphere that encompassed all the surrounding countries, including the various fiefdoms in the Ryukyu Islands. The Ryukyus specialized in sulphur and mother-of-pearl, both in high demand in the region. As Japan ceased trading directly with China, Ryukyu became an important go-between.


Significance It is the only country in South-east Asia with a large-scale nuclear plant, although this was never loaded with fuel. Other countries in the region have tentative plans to develop nuclear power programmes. Impacts The current absence of nuclear power programmes will help avert the diversion of capital from renewable energy development in the region. South-east Asian countries with small, non-power reactors, built for research, will try to maintain these facilities. Across the region, the need for electricity grid investment will increase as more decentralised generation sources are deployed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akmalia M. Ariff ◽  
Steven F. Cahan ◽  
David M. Emanuel

ABSTRACT This paper examines the value relevance of voluntary disclosures about intangibles in eight East Asian countries, and the effect of variation in company-level and country-level governance on the valuation of these disclosures. Using Easton and Sommers' (2003) deflated valuation approach in analyses involving 459 companies, we find that the voluntary disclosures are value relevant, over and above the numbers in the balance sheet and income statement. We also find that the value relevance of these disclosures is conditional on the level of director ownership and the strength of the institutional features of a country.


2001 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 318-323
Author(s):  
Norio Kaifu

AbstractWe report the activity of continued and sequential cooperation among Asian countries/regions, especially in East Asia. Such efforts started in 1990 from a small-size China-Korea-Japan meeting on star-forming regions. Being aware of the importance of cooperation among those neighboring countries, participants agreed to hold sequential “East Asian Meetings for Astronomy (EAMA)”. The 1992 meeting entitled “Millimeter-Wave and Infrared Astronomy” was held in Korea, the 1995 meeting entitled “Ground-Based Astronomy in Asia” was held in Japan, and the 1999 meeting entitled “Observational Astrophysics in Asia and its Future” was held in China. These meetings achieved quite high activity with 100-200 participants, each. An important product of those meetings was active exchange between young astronomers, including graduate students. The primary aim of these meetings/activities was to promote small but practical cooperation in the field of astronomical instrumentation, as well as to widen the contact among Asian astronomers. An East-Asian co-experiment to search for good sites for a possible “Asian Observatory” was among such efforts. The close cooperation between Japan, China (Peoples’ Republic and Taipei) and Korea, on millimeter and sub-millimeter wave technology is another good example of joint developments of new instruments.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Gyo Koo ◽  
Vinod Aggarwal

AbstractThe traditional institutional equilibrium in East Asia—the embrace of the WTO at the multilateral level and a focus on market-driven, informal integration at the sub-multilateral level—is under heavy strain. Increasingly, East Asian countries are pursuing greater institutionalisation at the sub-multilateral level, weaving a web of preferential arrangements in response to similar strategies pursued by the US and the EU. This article examines the likely path of trading arrangements in Northeast Asia, its implications for East Asia and the future of APEC and ASEM. We propose an institutional bargaining game approach, focusing on goods, countries' individual bargaining situations and the fit with existing arrangements, and allowing an exploration of the evolution of trading arrangements in East Asia. An East Asian trading bloc has both benign and pernicious elements, depending on the ideas and beliefs held by regional actors. The contribution of a prospective East Asian bloc to APEC and ASEM primarily depends on the balance of interests between the US and the EU concerning East Asia. In view of the tremendous political and economic uncertainty in the global economy, the path to freer trade in Northeast Asia, East Asia and the world system is likely to be a bumpy one.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inkyo Cheong ◽  
Jose Tongzon

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the economic impact of a rising US trade protectionism on the economies of China, Japan, South Korea and the ASEAN countries and draw out some policy and strategic implications for the USA and East Asia. Design/methodology/approach The authors employ a computable general equilibrium approach supplemented with qualitative analyses based on empirical evidence. Findings An increase in US import tariffs would result in economic losses for the USA and the corresponding country or region to which the import tariff increase is applied. An increase in US import tariffs for Chinese goods alone would not have any spillover effects on other East Asian countries. But, an imposition of a border adjustment tax (BAT) for all countries and for all products would actually boost US economic growth. Advanced economies would enjoy GDP increases, but China, Korea and the ASEAN countries would face an economic loss in a longer term period, although they would enjoy some growth in the short term. However, when the BAT only applies to a specific East Asian country, USA would suffer an economic loss, with the exception of a BAT specifically targeted at the ASEAN countries. ASEAN countries would not experience any economic loss under all scenarios except in the case of import tariffs specifically targeted at ASEAN. Research limitations/implications From the US perspective, it is beneficial to adopt a BAT for all countries and across the board. Under this arrangement, there would be an economic loss for China, Korea and the ASEAN countries in the longer term. An increase in US trade protectionism would only push the East Asian countries towards deeper economic integration, with serious implications for global pattern of trade and investment. Originality/value The existing literature on the likely economic impact of US trade protectionism on East Asia is very scarce and based on surveys and subjective speculations. This study uses a quantitative method based on empirical evidence.


Subject The outlook for Indian naval engagement with South-east Asian countries and ASEAN. Significance At the ASEAN summit in mid-November, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi underlined India's 'Look East' policy, pledging to cultivate diplomatic, economic and security relationships with South-east Asia. One manifestation of Delhi's willingness to undertake a more strategic regional role is the Indian navy's growing portfolio of partnerships with South-east Asian navies. Amid concerns over China's maritime assertiveness, India's navy has been welcomed in the region as a security partner. Impacts India will avoid South-east Asian undertakings that may provoke China. Delhi will need to define 'Look East' policies concretely to convince South-east Asia fully of Indian strategic utility. Modi will expand bilateral naval exercises, humanitarian aid and counter-piracy/smuggling efforts in South-east Asia.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 182-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soyoung Kim ◽  
Sunghyun H. Kim ◽  
Yunjong Wang

This paper estimates the degree of risk sharing for each of 10 East Asian countries with countries in the region and with OECD countries by using cross-country consumption correlations and formal regression analysis. Risk sharing is found to be far from complete and quite low for most of the countries. Taiwan and Singapore have the highest risk sharing. Indonesia and Malaysia have the lowest (and significantly negative) risk sharing. The degree of risk sharing does not increase in most countries over 1970–2000. For the less-developed countries, potential gains from risk sharing would be larger with OECD countries than with East Asian countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 2316-2342
Author(s):  
Shapan Chandra Majumder ◽  
Mohammad Razaul Karim ◽  
Md. Mamun Miah

The novel coronavirus is an issue of life and death. The main purpose of the study is to know the East Asian success story of controlling Covid-19 and identify which strategies could be a lesson for South Asia and to examine the influence of good governance on controlling COVID-19. Total daily cases of COVID-19 are collected from March 10 to June 15 for East Asian and March 4 to June 15 for South Asian countries. ARIMA forecasting, ADF test, stability test, and diagnostic tests are applied. The minimum value of AIC and BIC shows the appropriate model is ARIMA (0, 1, 1) for both regions. In the East and South Asian model, the coefficients of the constant term are -0.759451 and 198.0155, and coefficients of MA (1) are -0.715686 and -0.339701 respectively for both regions. It's significant at a 1% significance level and support our hypotheses that the total daily cases of COVID-19 decreasing into East Asia but increasing into South Asia and prove that the South Asia region has faced a lot of difficulties to tackle COVID-19 as most of the countries have not enough government capacity, weak institutions, limited resources, narrow government reaches to the vulnerable people and corruption compare to East Asian region and no actual strategies are yet noticeable from the governments of South Asia as a result transmission increases day by day. That is why; we think that South Asian countries could take lessons from East Asian countries as these countries are more successful to control COVID-19.


2002 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-634 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELA MIOZZO

ABSTRACT East Asian countries have been successful at specialising in machinery and capital goods. Latin American countries, on the other hand, have retreated from these sectors, reinforcing their specialisation in resource-intensive goods. Institutional arrangements in place in both regions explain these divergences. In particular, the differences in the strategy and structure of leading firms, the nature of industrial promotion by the government, the development and support of small and medium-sized firms and the operation of foreign-owned firms may explain the respective success and failure in sectoral specialisation in machinery. Failure to develop these sectors may hinder the process of economic development.


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