The Heraeum at Perachora, and the Early History of Corinth and Megara

1972 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 159-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Salmon

The excavations conducted by Payne from 1930 to 1933 at the Corinthian sanctuary of Hera on the tip of the Perachora peninsula have led to extensive revisions of early Corinthian and Megarian history. The main aim of Payne was to extend our knowledge of the early art and archaeology of Corinth, and in this respect his expectations of the site were brilliantly fulfilled; but the use that has been made of the evidence uncovered at the Heraeum has been much more wide-ranging. Payne himself (Perachora i. 21 f.) believed that although the sanctuary was situated in Corinthian territory the Argives played a central role in the foundation of its cult. Dunbabin (JHS lxviii (1948) 59 ff.) followed Payne in this conclusion and was thus led to reconsider the question of the foundation of Dorian Corinth; relying heavily on the supposedly Argive character of many of the finds from the Heraeum, he concluded that the city of Corinth itself was founded by Argives. Hammond, however, went further (BSA xlix (1954) 93 ff.). He argued, partly from the cult history of the sanctuary itself, and partly from indications in the literary sources, that the Heraeum was not Corinthian at all during the first years of its life, but Megarian; and that after a period of uncertainty in the late eighth century, when sometimes Corinth and sometimes Megara controlled the site, it finally became a Corinthian possession and the Megarians were never again able to make good their claim to the territory.

Urban History ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Asif Siddiqi

Abstract This article recovers the early history of the Soviet ‘closed city’, towns that during the Cold War were absent from maps and unknown to the general public due to their involvement in weapons research. I argue that the closed cities echoed and appropriated features of the Stalinist Gulag camp system, principally their adoption of physical isolation and the language of obfuscation. In doing so, I highlight a process called ‘atomized urbanism’ that embodies the tension between the obdurate reality of the city and the goal of the state to obliterate that reality through secrecy. In spatial terms, ‘atomized’ also describes the urban geography of these cities which lacked any kind of organic suburban expansion.


Antichthon ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
C.J. Mackie

AbstractThis article explores the part played by Mount Ida in the Iliad. It begins with some consideration of Ida in the early ‘history’ of Troy – the stories of Dardanus and the early line of Trojan kings. The city of Troy (Ilios) has its origins on Mount Ida, and the mountain remains very dear to the Trojans in many different ways. The rivers at Troy have their source on the mountain, and the Trojans acquire their water and wood from there. Moreover, the mountain is a central part of Trojan religious life, including the peak at Gargarus, where Zeus resides for a significant part of the poem. This article considers the two journeys of Zeus to Mount Ida from Olympus in the Iliad, and the ways that these are dealt with in the text. It raises questions about the rationale for and the effect of his visits there. It is argued that the poet uses Zeus’s absence from Olympus to ‘open up’ the cosmos, and permit new kinds of divine conduct and intervention. The article concludes with some consideration of the fact that the text offers no reference to the return of Zeus from Ida to Olympus prior to the council of the gods and Theomachy in Book 20.


2000 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 37-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary M. Voigt ◽  
Robert C. Henrickson

A brief history of archaeological research at Gordion Piecing together documentary sources from areas to the east and west of Anatolia, historians agree that in the eighth century BC, central Anatolia was dominated by people who spoke an Indo-European language, Phrygian (Mellink 1991: 621; Muscarella 1995: 92 with refs). From historical sources we also know the location of the Phrygians' capital, Gordion: Quintus Curtius (Hist Alex III.1–2) states that the city lay on the Sangarios River ‘equally distant from the Pontic and Cilician Seas’. Using this description, Gustav and Augustus Körte travelled across Turkey more than a century ago looking for the physical remains of Gordion and Phrygia. They eventually focused on a mound lying adjacent to the Sangarios or modern Sakarya. The mound, now called Yassıhöyük, is large relative to others in the region, and lies in the proper geographical setting for ancient Gordion; a series of artificial mounds or tumuli scattered across nearby slopes provides additional evidence of the settlement's importance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
John Curran

Recent research on the textual tradition of Latin versions of the Testimonium Flavianum prompts another enquiry into the original text and the transmission of the famous passage. It is suggested here that the Greek/Latin versions highlight a western/eastern early history of the Testimonium and that in turn directs our attention back to the original circumstances of its composition and publication in the city of Rome in the later years of the first century. Restored to its original historical context, the Testimonium emerges as a carefully crafted attack upon the post-Pauline community of Christ-followers in the city.


Author(s):  
Daniele Castrizio

The paper examines the coins found inside the Antikythera wreck. The wreck of Antikythera was discovered by chance by some sponge fishermen in October 1900, in the northern part of the island of Antikythera. The archaeological excavation of the wreck has allowed the recovery of many finds in marble and bronze, with acquisitions of human skeletons related to the crew of the sunken ship, in addition to the famous “Antikythera mechanism”. Various proposals have been made for the chronology of the shipwreck, as well as the port of departure of the ship, which have been based on literary sources or on the chronology of ceramic finds. As far as coins are concerned, it should be remembered that thirty-six silver coins and some forty bronze coins were recovered in 1976, all corroded and covered by encrustations. The separate study of the two classes of materials, those Aegean and those Sicilian allows to deepen the history of the ship shipwrecked to Antikythera. The treasury of silver coinage is composed of thirty-six silver cistophoric tetradrachms, 32 of which are attributable to the mint of Pergamon and 4 to that of Ephesus. From the chronological point of view, the coins minted in Pergamon have been attributed by scholars to the years from 104/98 B.C. to 76/67 B.C., the date that marks the end of the coinage until 59 B.C. The coins of Ephesus are easier to date because they report the year of issue, even if, in the specimens found, the only legible refers to the year 53, corresponding to our 77/76 B.C., if it is assumed as the beginning of the era of Ephesus its elevation to the capital of the province of Asia in 129 B.C., or 82/81 B.C., if we consider 134/133 B.C., the year of the creation of the Provincia Asiana. As for the three legible bronzes, we note that there are a specimen of Cnidus and two of Ephesus. The coin of the city of Caria was dated by scholars in the second half of the third century B.C. The two bronzes of Ephesus are dated almost unanimously around the middle of the first century B.C., although this fundamental data was never considered for the dating of the shipwreck. The remaining three legible bronzes from Asian mints, two from the Katane mint and one from the Panormos mint, belong to a completely different geographical context, such as Sicily, with its own circulation of coins. The two coins of Katane show a typology with a right-facing head of Dionysus with ivy crown, while on the reverse we find the figures of the Pii Fratres of Katane, Amphinomos and Anapias, with their parents on their shoulders. The specimen of Panormos has on the front the graduated head of Zeus turned to the left, and on the verse the standing figure of a warrior with whole panoply, in the act of offering a libation, with on the left the monogram of the name of the mint. As regards the series of Katane, usually dated to the second century B.C., it should be noted, as, moreover, had already noticed Michael Crawford, that there is an extraordinary similarity between the reverse of these bronzes and that of the issuance of silver denarii in the name of Sextus Pompey, that have on the front the head of the general, facing right, and towards the two brothers from Katane on the sides of a figure of Neptune with an aplustre in his right hand, and the foot resting on the bow of the ship, dated around 40 B.C., during the course of the Bellum siculum. We wonder how it is possible to justify the presence in a wreck of the half of the first century B.C. of two specimens of a very rare series of one hundred and fifty years before, but well known to the engravers of the coins of Sextus Pompey. The only possible answer is that Katane coins have been minted more recently than scholars have established. For the coin series of Panormos, then, it must be kept in mind that there are three different variants of the same type of reverse, for which it is not possible to indicate a relative chronology. In one coin issue, the legend of the ethnic is written in Greek characters all around the warrior; in another coin we have a monogram that can be easily dissolved as an abbreviation of the name of the city of Panormos; in the third, in addition to the same monogram, we find the legend CATO, written in Latin characters. In our opinion, this legend must necessarily refer to the presence in Sicily of Marcus Porcius Cato of Utica, with the charge of propraetor in the year 49 B.C. Drawing the necessary consequences from the in-depth analysis, the data of the Sicilian coins seem to attest to their production towards the middle of the first century B.C., in line with what is obtained from the ceramic material found inside the shipwrecked ship, and from the dating of the coins of Ephesus. The study of numismatic materials and a proposal of more precise dating allows to offer a new chronological data for the sinking of the ship. The presence of rare bronze coins of Sicilian mints suggests that the ship came from a port on the island, most likely from that of Katane.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 419 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asep Saefullah

This article attempts to trace the early history of Islam in Temasek, a former name of Singapore. The city was also known as the ‘Sea Town’, and was a part of the Nusantara. In the 12th-14th century, Tumasik and Kedah were important ports in the Malay Peninsula. Tumasik, at that time, was important enough to figure in international trade networks. The very strategic location of Tumasik, at the very tip of the Malay Peninsula, made it a significant prize for the master. Kingdoms that once ruled it: the Sriwijaya kingdom until the end of the 13th century AD and Majapahit kingdom that ruled it until the 14th century. In the 15th century AD, Tumasik came under the rule of Ayutthaya-Thailand; and subsequent occupation controlled by the Sultanate of Malacca to the Portuguese in 1511 AD. Speaking on the comming of Islam in Tumasik that was along with the influx of Muslim merchants, both Arabic and Persian, between the 8th – 11th century which the trading activity increased in the Archipelago. Coastal cities and ports, one of which Tumasik, on the Malay Peninsula became the settlements of Muslim tradespeople. Most of them settled and married there. Thus, it is strongly suspected that Islam has been present in Tumasik since perhaps the 8th century AD. Up until the beginning of the 16th century, the old Singapore remains a Muslim settlement, along with other vendors, both from Europe, India, and China, and also became an important port under the Sultanate of Malacca. That Malaccan empire was conquered by the Portuguese in 1511. Keywords: early history of Islam, Tumasik, Singapore, Sultanate of Malacca Artikel ini mencoba menelusuri sejarah awal Islam di Tumasik, kada disebut juga Temasek, nama dulu bagi Singapura. Kota ini juga disebut sebagai Kota Laut (Sea Town), dan merupakan bagian dari Nusantara masa lalu. Pada abad ke-12 s.d. 14 M, Tumasik bersama Kedah merupakan pelabuhan-pelabuhan penting di Semenanjung Malaya. Pada masa itu, Tumasik merupakan kota perdagangan yang cukup besar dan penting dalam jaringan perdagangan internasional. Posisinya yang sangat strategis di ujung Semenanjung Malaya, menjadikan Tumasik menggiurkan untuk dikuasai. Kerajaan-kerajaan yang pernah menguasai Tumasik yaitu Sriwijaya sampai akhir abad ke-13 M dan Majapahit sampai abad ke-14 M. Pada abad ke-15 M, Tumasik berada di bawah kekuasaan Ayutthaya-Thailand; dan selanjutnya dikuasai Kesultanan Malaka sampai pendu¬dukan Portugis 1511 M. Adapun proses masuknya Islam di Tumasik terjadi bersamaan dengan masuknya para pedagang Muslim, baik dari Arab maupun Persia pada abad ke-8 s.d. 11 M yang mengalami peningkatan aktivitas perdagangan. Kota-kota pesisir dan pelabuhan-pelabuhan, salah satunya Tumasik, di Semenanjung Malaya menjadi pemukiman-pemukiman bagi para pedagang Muslim tersebut. Sebagian dari mereka menetap dan berkeluarga di sana. Dengan demikian, diduga kuat bahwa Islam telah hadir di Tumasik antara abad ke-8 M - ke 11 M. Hingga permulaan abad ke-16 M, Singapura lama tetap menjadi pemukiman Muslim, bersama para pedagang lain, baik dari Eropa, India, maupun Cina, dan sekaligus menjadi pelabuhan penting di bawah kekuasaan Kesultanan Malaka, sampai dengan kesultanan ini ditaklukan oleh Portugis pada 1511 M. Kata kunci: sejarah awal Islam, Tumasik, Singapura, Kesultanan Malaka


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-244
Author(s):  
Alla Tokaryuk ◽  
Tetiana Nykyrsa ◽  
Illia Chorney ◽  
Vasyl Budzhak ◽  
Ksenia Korzhan

The article reports about chorology, phytocenotic, biotopical features of 24 orchid species (Orchidaceae Juss.) on the territory of Chernivtsi. The history of studying orchids in the city is described. The authors give the cadastre of locations of orchids based on studies of material at the herbariums (CHER, KW, LE, LW, МНА), literary sources and own collecting expeditions. There found 24 species of orchids in Chernivtsi. 6 of them (Anacamptis coriophora (L.) R.M. Bateman, Pridgeon et M.W. Chase s.l., A. palustris (Jacq.) R.M. Bateman, Pridgeon et M.W. Chase, Corallorhiza trífida Châtel., Dactylorhiza cordigera (Fries) Soó, Orchis purpurea Huds. та О. signifera Vest.) are not been confirmed by modern collecting expeditions, 3 of them (Anacamptis palustris, Orchis purpurea, О. signifera) were listed from herbarium and literary sources of the second half of ХІХ century. At the moment these species and their habitats are suspected to have been lost due to urban transformation. 17 species (70,8%) of orchids have been found in 1-5 habitats, and 7 species (29,2%) – in 6-20 habitats. Orchids are the part of 4 alliance 4 orders and 2 classes of natural vegetation Carpino-Fagetea sylvaticae Jakucs ex Passarge 1968 and Molinio-Arrhenatheretea Tx. 1937 and 5 types of habitats (4 of them are natural and 1 – synanthropic) on the territory of Chernivtsi. Natural plant communities with orchids belong to 4 habitats from Annex I of the Council Directive – 9130, 9170, 6510, 6440 and 4 biotopes listed in Resolution №4 of the Bern Convention – G1.6, G1.A1, E2.2, Е3.4. Remnants of natural forest biotopes having orchids were survived by the designation of landscape sanctuary – «Tsetsino» (430 ha) the object of national significance and «Haryachyy Urban» (108 ha) the object of regional significance. There are 11 and 2 species of orchids on the territory of «Tsetsinо» and «Haryachyy Urban» respectively. Cultivated coenosis of the biggest Park Architecture Monument of regional significance «Zhovtnevyy» (63,5 ha) have 3 speсies of orchids. 4 species are not protected. These results are important for follow-up monitoring measures on rare species of plants in Chernivtsi.


1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Deagan

Archaeological and documentary investigations into the early history of St. Augustine, Florida, as an urban enclave in the Spanish colonial mold, have focused upon the city itself and the processes operating in the development and maintenance of its unique cultural system. The interaction between the data gathered by intensive, systematic archaeological testing and the detailed documentary studies has resulted in a clearer understanding of just what both classes of data actually reflect in an urban context.


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-317
Author(s):  
Andreas Westergren

Abstract This is a study of three literary sources from the late fourth and early fifth centuries CE that depict the rise of monasticism, the anonymous History of the Monks of Egypt, the History of the Monks of Syria by Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Sozomen’s Church History. Although each of these texts conveys what Peter Brown has termed the “myth of the desert,” i.e. a portrayal of monks as being part of another world, I argue that the same texts also reflect a “myth of the city,” in which the monastic movement is depicted as a civic institution with regard to its foundation, regulation, and influence in the world. What these texts reflect is an attempt from the side of Christian authors to make sense of the multifaceted phenomenon that was monasticism, creating a conceptual space where different ascetic expressions come together as one, as ‘monasticism’ or as a desert city.


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 239-261
Author(s):  
Matthew Peattie

This article discusses previously undocumented examples of music for the old Beneventan divine office in a manuscript housed in the Archivio Storico Diocesano in Naples (Cod. Misc. 1, fasc. VII). The breviary, which was copied at the scriptorium of Santa Sofia, Benevento, in 1161, transmits two unica—canticle antiphons for the feast of St. Mercurius—in Beneventan style. It also preserves a Beneventan-style antiphon for the Holy Twelve Brothers of Benevento that is not transmitted in previously published sources of Beneventan chant. The discovery of music in Beneventan style for St. Mercurius is of importance to the history of the old Beneventan rite, as it attests to the continued production of the distinctive formulaic style of the Beneventan rite into the later eighth century. The relics of Mercurius, a military saint of Byzantium, were enshrined at the altar of Santa Sofia at Benevento in 768, and Mercurius was adopted as patron of the court, the church of Santa Sofia, and the city of Benevento. Despite the establishment of the cult of St. Mercurius in the second half of the eighth century, until now no musical record has indicated the presence of old Beneventan music for this feast (there is no extant Beneventan mass proper for Mercurius, and the documented sources for the divine office preserve only Romano-Beneventan or neo-Gregorian-style music). I consider the St. Mercurius antiphons within the context of the musical style of the old Beneventan rite and argue that they should be included in the Beneventan canon on the basis of musical style. As pitch-specific exemplars of the distinctive formulaic style of the Beneventan chant, this source is of particular value to the study of Beneventan pitch and modality. Notated in fully heightened Beneventan neumes on a staff line, these antiphons are among the few surviving witnesses of the old Beneventan repertory that preserve the distinctive modal properties of the repertory in pitch-specific notation. I introduce the music of these antiphons and consider their importance as witnesses to the continued production and copying of Beneventan music from the late eighth to the twelfth centuries.


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