The regional dimensions of state failure

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 951-972 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEFAN WOLFF

AbstractThe academic and policy debate on state failure reaches back to the early 1990s. Since then, its empirical and analytical sophistication has grown, yet the fact that state failure is a regional phenomenon, that is, that it occurs in clusters of geographically contiguous states, has largely been overlooked. This article first considers the academic and policy debates on state failure in the Political Science/International Relations and Development Studies literatures, and offers a definition of state failure that is derived from the means of the state, rather than its ends. Subsequently engaging with existing scholarship on the concept of ‘region’ in international security, the article develops a definition of ‘state failure regions’. Further empirical observation of such regions and additional conceptual reflections lead to establishing an analytical model for the study of state failure regions and allow indentifying a number of concrete gains in knowledge and understanding that can result from its application.

A lot of scientific papers are devoted to the issue of international security. At the same time, there are almost no works devoted precisely to the tools of the methodology of studying the concept of international security at the present stage of evolution in the scientific discussions, that greatly reduces the effectiveness of the research process. The subject matter of the article is selection of the main theoretical approaches to the study of the evolution of the concept of ‘international security’. The goal is to analyze the latest approaches to the evolution of the concept of ‘international security’ and the methodology of its study in the modern international political science. The objective is to study the main stages of the evolution of the flagship theoretical approaches to the definition of international security and the methodology of its study. Common scientific methods are used: the historical approach – in identifying the main stages of the development of the concept of ‘international security’ in the political science, generalization and retrospective analysis – in the study of the methodology of this concept in modern political science. The following results are obtained: general methodological approaches to the definition and study of international security are summarized, the main principles of its system formation, models and mechanisms of provision are outlined. The newest methodical approaches to the scientific analysis of this concept are analyzed. The author specifically discloses the modern threats that have arisen in the conditions of security at global and regional levels and that are caused by the planetary problems of the international political process, such as globalization processes, global humanity problems, transnational terrorism, etc. Conclusions: there is a large number of new theoretical trends that enter into controversy with the classical ones concerning the possibilities and methodology of knowledge of contemporary challenges of international security in modern political science of international relations. At the same time, the analyzed approaches determine the current understanding, the content and essence of international security in all its manifestations from the formation of the national interests of individual states in this area to the practical mechanisms of the functioning of the global system of international security. The effective functioning of the collective security mechanism is an integral part of international security. This problem is extremely relevant and can become the subject of separate expert discussions and studies in the field of international relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.


Author(s):  
Anna М. Solarz

The 2015 immigration crisis revealed the weak cultural condition Europe finds itself in, given the adoption by a majority of states of a model for development that deliberately severs ties with common civilisational roots. However, while Poles do not really nurture prejudices against either Islam or immigrants, a decided majority of them voiced their unwillingness to accept new (mainly Muslim) arrivals, in the context of a solution to the above crisis the EU was intending to impose. A change of policy was thus forced upon the Union by Poland and other CEECs, given the latter’s strong guiding conviction that pursuit of a multicultural ideology leads to a weakening – rather than any improvement – in the condition of culture in Europe, and hence to a sapping of the continent’s power in the international relations sphere. As the crisis has made clear, the EU will probably have to start taking more account of preferences in this part of Europe. This means opportunities for the political science of religion to research the likelihood of a return to the Christian component of European identity, as well as the role this might play in improving the cultural condition of this part of the world.


2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLYN M. WARNER

The political scientist who relies upon historiographic sources to propose and test hypotheses runs the risk of riling up not only her peers in the discipline, but also the historians upon whose work she must rely to provide the materials for these hypotheses. It was intellectually satisfying and stimulating to learn that my work has been read not only by scholars in ‘my’ discipline, but also by those in the discipline which made my own analysis possible, and I am grateful for Professor Hopkins' extensive comments. As Hopkins notes, there are differences in the orientation of the two disciplines: political science has as one of its central concerns ‘the state’, while historians are more interested ‘in charting changing relativities in international relations’. As a political scientist, I am indeed interested in identifying the factors which lead to such changes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Lynch

A decade ago, very few political scientists had either the opportunity or the incentive to engage with the political public in a direct, unmediated way. Today, there is a dense and eclectic ecosystem of political science and international relations-focused blogs and online publications, where good work can easily find an audience through social media. There are multiple initiatives dedicated to supporting academic interventions in the public sphere, and virtually every political or cultural magazine of note now offers a robust online section featuring commentary and analysis in which political scientists are well represented. This has transformed publication for a broader public from something exotic to something utterly routine. I discuss how these changes have affected individual scholars, the field of political science, and the political world with which we are engaged.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 343-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Rutland

This article examines some of the implications of current debates in international relations for Russian foreign policy. The focus is on Russian foreign policy analysis and not the international relations debates per se. The article begins by discussing the way Russian policy is fractured along the dimensions of security, economics and cultural identity – each corresponding to a different geopolitical vector. The second half discusses how recent developments in international security impact on Russian foreign policy debates.


Author(s):  
Saifutdin KUNSBAYEV ◽  

The article analyzes the evolution of the main approaches to the definition of "inclusive education" that have developed in foreign and domestic science, and examines the formation of a political science concept of this phenomenon of social and educational activities. Along with the study of existing approaches and their classifications in the definition of "inclusive education", the author offers a model of grouping existing definitions. Pedagogical, economic, sociological, legal and political approaches to understanding the phenomenon under study are highlighted and justified. The political science approach to the definition of "inclusive education", which is most relevant at the present stage, is characterized separately.


Author(s):  
M. A. Thomas

Historically economists have turned to principal-agent models to explain corruption and expected utility models to model bribe transactions. These models depend on a definition of corruption that assumes a government with separate public and private spheres. However, the existence of separate public and private roles cannot be assumed in a number of countries, including some African countries. As political economists bridge the gap between the political science and economics literatures on corruption, bringing wider awareness of governments that hold power through the distribution of private goods to elites, traditional economic models of corruption must become more contextualized. “Africa” is not an analytically useful category for the study of corruption.


1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 853-874 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel A. Almond

Three important questions are raised by the “return to the state” movement of recent years. First, are the pluralist, structural functionalist, and Marxist literatures of political science societally reductionist, as this movement contends? Second, does the neostatist paradigm remedy these defects and provide a superior analytical model? Third, regardless of the substantive merits of these arguments, are there heuristic benefits flowing from this critique of the literature? Examination of the evidence leads to a rejection of the first two criticisms. The answer to the third question is more complex. There is merit to the argument that administrative and institutional history has been neglected in the political science of the last decades. This is hardly a “paradigmatic shift”; and it has been purchased at the exorbitant price of encouraging a generation of graduate students to reject their professional history and to engage in vague conceptualization.


Philosophy ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 38 (144) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
P. H. Partridge

In recent years, political scientists have talked a great deal about the proper definition of their subject, and of how the ‘field’ of the political scientist is best distinguished from that of other social scientists. One proposal that is frequently made is that political science might quite properly be defined as the study of power, its forms, its sources, its distribution, its modes of exercise, its effects. The general justification for this proposal is, of course, that political activity itself appears to be connected very intimately with power: it is often said that political activity is a struggle for power; that constitutions and other political institutions are methods of defining and regularising the distribution and the exercise of power, and so on. Since there seems to be some sense in which one can say that, within the wider area of social life, the political field is that which has some special connection with power, it may seem plausible then to suggest that the study of politics focusses upon the study of power.


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