scholarly journals INCLUSIVE EDUCATION: A POLITICAL APPROACH TO THE DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT

Author(s):  
Saifutdin KUNSBAYEV ◽  

The article analyzes the evolution of the main approaches to the definition of "inclusive education" that have developed in foreign and domestic science, and examines the formation of a political science concept of this phenomenon of social and educational activities. Along with the study of existing approaches and their classifications in the definition of "inclusive education", the author offers a model of grouping existing definitions. Pedagogical, economic, sociological, legal and political approaches to understanding the phenomenon under study are highlighted and justified. The political science approach to the definition of "inclusive education", which is most relevant at the present stage, is characterized separately.

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 951-972 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEFAN WOLFF

AbstractThe academic and policy debate on state failure reaches back to the early 1990s. Since then, its empirical and analytical sophistication has grown, yet the fact that state failure is a regional phenomenon, that is, that it occurs in clusters of geographically contiguous states, has largely been overlooked. This article first considers the academic and policy debates on state failure in the Political Science/International Relations and Development Studies literatures, and offers a definition of state failure that is derived from the means of the state, rather than its ends. Subsequently engaging with existing scholarship on the concept of ‘region’ in international security, the article develops a definition of ‘state failure regions’. Further empirical observation of such regions and additional conceptual reflections lead to establishing an analytical model for the study of state failure regions and allow indentifying a number of concrete gains in knowledge and understanding that can result from its application.


UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 121-143
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter switches the focus to political parties. It looks at their individual roles and how they operate. The chapter discusses the parties that constitute the ‘party system’. It considers the two main parties operating at the UK level: the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It also looks at the smaller parties, such as the Liberal Democrats. The chapter considers the political approach of the various parties and the type of support they attract. It also looks at how parties are funded. The chapter provides a number of theoretical perspectives to help with an analysis of political parties. These are: the extent to which parties pursue values or power; the respective roles of their members and leaders; groupings within parties; how far the UK has a two-party system or whether our definition of the party system should be revised; and the relationships between the various parities. The chapter then gives examples of how these ideas play out with specific focus on recent events involving the Conversative and Labour parties. The chapter asks: do members have too much influence over their parties? The chapter ends by asking: where are we now?


Author(s):  
M. A. Thomas

Historically economists have turned to principal-agent models to explain corruption and expected utility models to model bribe transactions. These models depend on a definition of corruption that assumes a government with separate public and private spheres. However, the existence of separate public and private roles cannot be assumed in a number of countries, including some African countries. As political economists bridge the gap between the political science and economics literatures on corruption, bringing wider awareness of governments that hold power through the distribution of private goods to elites, traditional economic models of corruption must become more contextualized. “Africa” is not an analytically useful category for the study of corruption.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 702-720
Author(s):  
Corina Heri

AbstractOver the last decades, various groups seeking international legal recognition of new human rights claims have succeeded in their endeavors. Some movements have crafted such convincing demands that their participation has even become an implicit condition of the legitimacy of the resulting human rights documents. But what are the bases of claims for new human rights, and how do they help to confront the argument that human rights’ expansion also entails their dilution? This Article explores narratives based on two different concepts, namely the political-science concept of affectedness and the legal-ethical concept of vulnerability. It does so by drawing on the process for the recognition of peasant human rights at the United Nations. The Article explores what it understands as the peasant critique of existing human rights by looking at the differences and interrelations between affectedness and vulnerability-based argumentation. It argues that an approach premised purely on affectedness, and thus focused on participation, is less empowering than one that includes a regard for vulnerability, which serves as a heuristic device for identifying and challenging inequalities, demands substantive outcomes, and can serve to craft a convincing theoretical account of human rights protections.


Philosophy ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 38 (144) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
P. H. Partridge

In recent years, political scientists have talked a great deal about the proper definition of their subject, and of how the ‘field’ of the political scientist is best distinguished from that of other social scientists. One proposal that is frequently made is that political science might quite properly be defined as the study of power, its forms, its sources, its distribution, its modes of exercise, its effects. The general justification for this proposal is, of course, that political activity itself appears to be connected very intimately with power: it is often said that political activity is a struggle for power; that constitutions and other political institutions are methods of defining and regularising the distribution and the exercise of power, and so on. Since there seems to be some sense in which one can say that, within the wider area of social life, the political field is that which has some special connection with power, it may seem plausible then to suggest that the study of politics focusses upon the study of power.


1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-96
Author(s):  
R. S. Milne

This article is intended as a ‘footnote’, written from the political science point of view, to more comprehensive accounts of the subject. Its main concern is to underline some respects in which Philippine nationalism is atypical in Southeast Asia. It is not proposed to define nationalism. Many definitions seem to fall into one of two groups, the unsatisfyingly general or the (still unsatisfying)determinedly specific. An example of the former is that nationalism consists in “on one side the love of a common soil, race, language or historical culture…” This immediately prompts the question, “which soil, which race etc.”? The latter group is exemplified by the definition of Karl W. Deutsch, which is based on the existence of “complementary habits and facilities of communication.”


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-502
Author(s):  
Vincent Lemieux

Although there are numerous studies of political parties the political science of parties remains underdeveloped. Even if the recent attempts at redefinition are not without interest, most situate themselves outside the mainstream of political theory and do not bear sufficiently on the problematical aspects of power and of government. To develop a true political science of parties one has to be able to respond to three questions which seem central to a political scientist's concern with parties: who governs in the parties? do the parties really govern? how do the governmental or non-governmental actions of parties affect the society and the support which they obtain there? From these three questions emerge the notions of the leadership power (or internal power), governmental power, and societal power (electoral or non-electoral) of political parties. After a definition of government based on a cybernetic model and a logical definition of power are presented, the notions of leadership power, governmental power, and societal power are successively analysed for the purpose of making them operational. The last part of the article deals with the interdependence of these three powers. It aims at outlining a political theory of parties by drawing together a number of propositions which have hitherto appeared unrelated.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Patryk Danielewicz

The main goal of this article is to show diverse approaches in political culture and some of the problems arising from this, as well as to point out the differences between the two perspectives – theories of political science and political philosophy. The author starts by analysing the classic definition of political culture developed by Gabriel Almond and presents the critique of this definition. He also describes a new approach proposed by researchers, such as Władysław Markiewicz, Andrzej W. Jabłoński and Zbigniew Blok. The main problem with Almond’s concept – as the political scientists indicate – is that it is of little relevance for empirical studies. The researchers try to make this concept more useful as a research tool for examining political reality. On the other hand, Cezary Kościelniak and Janusz Wiśniewski attempt to define political culture in political philosophy’s terms. Their intention is to make this concept work as a counterfactual conceptualization of political reality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-181
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ozimek

Social sciences, understood as critical and not neutral by nature, they should be equipped with specific competencies and sensivity. C.  W. Mills these comptence define as sociological imagination – which is study of the relationship of history and biography, Giddens interpreted it as three basic senses: historical, anthropological, critical. The translation into political science would be a political theories imagination, it consist,, among over things like a: historicity of political phenomena, antisubstansialism, research self-awareness. Definition of political theories imagination I propose in the context of Wiktor Marzec’s paper Rebelion and Reaction, which is a study from field of historical sociology, it’s in itself a lot of inspiration for theorists of politics: research, theoretical and methodological. It is worth considering – in this context – fundamental categories of political science, like political subjectivity and the political, also revalidate in their range.


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