Taking Back Our Spirits: Indigenous Literature, Public Policy, and Healingby Jo-Ann EpiskenewThe Cambridge History of Canadian Literature, edited by Coral Ann Howells and Eva-Marie KröllerRené Lévesque: Mythes et réalités, edited by Alexandre StefanescuHabiter la distance: Études en marge de La distance habitée, edited by Lucie Hotte and Guy PoirierCanadians Under Fire: Infantry Effectiveness in the Second World War, by Robert EngenWarming Up to the Cold War: Canada and the United States’ Coalition of the Willing, from Hiroshima to Korea, by Robert TeigrobSecond Promised Land: Migration to Alberta and the Transformation of Canadian Society, by Harry H. HillerWho Do We Think We Are? Canada's Reasonable (and Less Reasonable) Accommodation Debates, by Robin HighamComment Comparer le Canada avec Les États-Unis Aujourd'hui: Enjeux et pratiques, edited by Hélène Quanquin, Christine Lorre-Johnston and Sandrine Ferré-RodeOur Place in the Sun: Canada and Cuba in the Castro Era, edited by Robert Wright and Lana WylieOn Roosevelt's Bright Shadow: Presidential Addresses About Canada from Taft to Obama in Honourof FDR's 1938 Speech at Queen's University, edited by Arthur MilnesScience Fiction from Québec: A Postcolonial Study, by Amy J. RansomThe War of 1812 in the Age of Napoleon, by Jeremy BlackTechnology and Nationalism, by Marco Adria

2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-566
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Angelini ◽  
Albert Braz ◽  
Kevin J. Christiano ◽  
Patrick Coleman ◽  
Clifford Egan ◽  
...  
1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Bethell ◽  
Ian Roxborough

The importance of the years of political and social upheaval immediately following the end of the Second World War and coinciding with the beginnings of the Cold War, that is to say, the period from 1944 or 1945 to 1948 or 1949, for the history of Europe (East and West), the Near and Middle East, Asia (Japan, China, South and East Asia), even Africa (certainly South Africa) in the second half of the twentieth century has long been generally recognised. In recent years historians of the United States, which had not, of course, been a theatre of war and which alone among the major belligerents emerged from the Second World War stronger and more prosperous, have begun to focus attention on the political, social and ideological conflict there in the postwar period – and the long term significance for the United States of the basis on which it was resolved. In contrast, except for Argentina, where Perón's rise to power has always attracted the interest of historians, the immediate postwar years in Latin America, which had been relatively untouched by, and had played a relatively minor role in, the Second World War, remain to a large extent neglected. It is our view that these years constituted a critical conjuncture in the political and social history of Latin America just as they did for much of the rest of the world. In a forthcoming collection of case studies, which we are currently editing, the main features of the immediate postwar period in Latin America, and especially the role played by labour and the Left, will be explored in some detail, country by country.1In this article, somewhat speculative and intentionally polemical, we present the broad outlines of our thesis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-538 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huw Dylan

This article examines British deception during the early years of the Cold War, and how a Soviet defector named Grigori Tokaev contributed to British plans and operations. Tokaev provided valuable insights into the Soviet Union, allowing British intelligence to craft more intricate deception operations, political and military. The manner in which he was used, and the extent to which his idiosyncrasies were tolerated, underline the difficulties the British authorities faced as they attempted to apply the lessons of the Second World War deception to the Cold War environment. The case offers new perspectives on both the relatively under-examined subject of British deception operations against the USSR, and the history of one of the most prominent Cold War defectors.


Author(s):  
Alice Weinreb

This chapter analyzes occupied Germany between 1945 and 1949, the years that saw the transition from the Second World War to the Cold War. During this time, the country was divided into four zones, each occupied by an Allied power (the United States, the USSR, France, and Great Britain.) This chapter argues that these years, known in Germany as the Hunger Years, played a key role in shaping modern discourses of human rights through assertions of the right of all individuals to food. Specifically, in the wake of the Third Reich, the hunger of German civilians acquired a moral weight that effectively depoliticized the category of “rights.” Analyzing civilian and medical debates about the causes and consequences of German hunger, the chapter explores the ways in which the different Allied rationing programs interpreted responsibility for Nazi crimes, and the ways in which Germans reacted to, challenged, and appropriated these categories.


Author(s):  
Anna Cento Bull

The term neo-fascism defines primarily those political and ideological groups and parties that operated after 1945, especially in Europe, and which were directly inspired by the experience of the inter-war fascist and Nazi regimes in Germany, Italy, and other European countries. These groups were often made up of remnants of fascist and Nazi activists who were not prepared to give up their political militancy or indeed to renounce their ideologies despite military defeat. Many held radical and uncompromising views, emphasizing the revolutionary nature of fascism rather than its more ‘reassuring’nationalist or statist version. This article analyses neo-fascism after the Second World War; neo-fascism and anti-communism in the United States; neo-fascism during the Cold War; the second-generation neo-fascists after 1968; the extreme right today; and the neo-fascist legacy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vít Smetana

This review essay provides a critical assessment of a book published in 2012 by Igor Lukes, On the Edge of the Cold War: American Diplomats and Spies in Postwar Prague. Lukes's aim in the book is to explain why the United States failed to prevent Czechoslovakia from being absorbed into the Soviet bloc after the Second World War. Although the book is highly readable and contains useful information, it is professionally unbalanced. Lukes's generally acceptable conclusions are undermined by numerous factual and methodological mistakes. These flaws stem from Lukes's frequently insufficient historical critique of his sources, his neglect of other important documentation, and his tendency to ignore much of the relevant historical literature.


1977 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-362
Author(s):  
James Gilbert Ryan

In June, 1945, America's Communists replaced their leader, Earl Browder, who had sought an East-West détente instead of the Cold War. Eight months later they expelled him from the movement altogether, although he had spent twenty-four years in its service. Since 1934, when he had gained undisputed control, he had dominated the Communist party of the United States (CPUSA) “as no one had done before or could do afterward.” Under him it had taken advantage of the Great Depression to achieve a degree of respectability previously unknown. It even enjoyed “a measure of prestige in at least some sections of society.” Probably the best-organized political party to the left of the New Deal, during the thirties it also became the largest Marxian group by outdistancing the socialists. The CPUSA grew in number from 7,000 in 1930 to about 100,000 during the Second World War, with influence ranging far beyond its membership rolls. In contrast to its success under Browder, after his ouster it receded rapidly into political oblivion.


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