Empire's Legacy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Alternative Interpretation ◽  
Middle Part ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Southeast Region ◽  
Main Thesis ◽  
Postwar Europe

Building on the idea of latent political potential, this book offers an alternative interpretation of the contemporary far right. Its main thesis is that relations between colonizers and colonized implanted a legacy that, under certain conditions, translated into support for the far right in France. To make this argument, the book offers a model for the study of political potentials that combines a situational approach to identity relations, a networks approach to subcultural practice, and a historical approach to political opportunity. The early part of this book traces the origins and development of this potential among the European settlers of French Algeria. The middle part examines its transmission via voluntary associations and its channeling into mainstream parties. The latter part examines the conditions under which this potential redirected into the far right. Starting with colonial Algeria, after independence in 1962 the book moves between politics at three levels: France, the southeast region, and Toulon (which in 1995 became the largest city in postwar Europe to elect a far-right administration). Complementing economic explanations for nativism, this book argues that our understanding of modernity errs when it disregards the potency of anachronistic remnants.

Black Sun Rising: Political Opportunity Structure Perceptions and Institutionalization of the Azov Movement in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 774-800
Author(s):  
Ivan Gomza ◽  
Johann Zajaczkowski
Keyword(s):  
Winning Coalition ◽  
Structure Theory ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Opportunity Structure ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Strategic Vision ◽  
Political Activist ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Leadership Structure

AbstractThis article explores the rise of the Azov movement and explains the process through the political opportunity structure theory. We argue that a loosely coherent winning coalition of the post-Euromaidan ruling elites enabled Azov’s participation in conventional politics. As a result, Azov launched the ongoing institutionalization process which is largely responsible for Azov’s success as compared to other far-right movements. We show that two movement entrepreneurs’ profiles, namely political activist and radical, dominated the Azov leadership structure and managed to promote their strategic vision on cooperation with state officials effectively combined with contentious action. We find that political activist entrepreneurs tend to push institutionalization alongside particular institutionalization axes, namely adaptability, reification, and systemness, whereas radical entrepreneurs are responsible for Azov’s transformation into an intense policy demander.

A discussion on ship technology in the 1980s - A forward view of British shipping

1972 ◽  
Vol 273 (1231) ◽  
pp. 5-11
Keyword(s):  
Gas Turbines ◽  
Nuclear Power ◽  
Great Part ◽  
Rapid Change ◽  
Middle Part ◽  
Time Span ◽  
Future Developments ◽  
Capital Intensive ◽  
Economic Considerations

The author’s theme is that the forward view of British shipping over the time span being considered will be to a large extent a view of existing ships. The industry is too capital intensive, too highly geared and operates at too low a level of profitability to admit of a very rapid change. Developments in the future must be based on the profitability of the present. It must be anticipated that in the early part of the period considered, a great part of the developments will be concentrated on improving the efficiency of the existing industry. Future developments will be dictated by techno-economic considerations. It is likely to be the middle 1980s before the scene is substantially changed by nuclear power and fluidics. A major technical development of the middle part of the period will be the growth of a fleet of liquid gas carriers for which gas turbines will provide the main propulsion system.

Understanding Havel?

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ditrych Ondřej ◽  
Vladimír Handl ◽  
Nik Hynek ◽  
Střítecký
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Alternative Interpretation ◽  
Middle Part ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Vaclav Havel ◽  
Political World ◽  
Multilateral Institutions ◽  
German Question ◽  
Insight Into

The presented article tries to make sense of Václav Havel, a man of many qualities and professions yet not a professional in the conventional sense of the word. The aim is to offer deeper insight into diverse cognitive elements which formed Havel’s political reasoning and attitudes. The idea is to provide an alternative interpretation and get beyond the customary explanations expressed through traditional IR language seeing Havel as a dissident idealist who was pushed by some realist impulses to clearly define real political and later also geopolitical stands. In doing so, the article is divided into three parts. The first part discusses conceptual frameworks (rather than a single framework) within which Have saw and understood the political world. The middle part examines Havel’s political agenda, namely the issues of the return to Europe, the German question, and relationships with Russia, the United States and toward multilateral institutions. The final part that utilizes primary data obtained through personal interviews with many Havel’s close collaborators presents two faces of Václav Havel: the dramatist and the ideologue.

A City under the Far Right

2019 ◽  
pp. 117-130
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
Police Force ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
Book Fair ◽  
The City ◽  
Annual Book

This chapter examines how the far right won power in Toulon, and how it governed between 1995 and 2001. When corruption scandals damaged the moderate right, the National Front followed through by winning the city elections. It triumphed due to its efforts to organize, the disgrace of the moderate right, the left’s refusal to withdraw, and critical support from the ex-colonials. Constrained by law, the far right could not implement the party program of national preference. Instead, it bolstered the police force; turned the city’s annual book fair into a cultural battleground; and punished opponents and rewarded friends by fiddling with city grants to voluntary associations. Faithful to the memory of French Algeria, the far right courted the ex-colonials but also annoyed them by insisting on partisan politics. The far right reduced the city’s debt but lacked the means of proving itself.

Introduction

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
European Politics ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
Southern France ◽  
Economic Distress ◽  
Postwar Europe ◽  
Latent Potential ◽  
Insight Into

Empire’s Legacy argues that subcultures in the shadows of society preserve a latent potential for the far right. The nativist cleavage has joined traditional cleavages that shape European politics, and France is a leading example. Dominant explanations overstate the importance of current factors, especially economic distress. This book travels into the imperial past to discover the roots of an enduring affinity for the far right. At its empirical core, Empire’s Legacy dissects the victory of the National Front in Toulon, which in 1995 became the biggest city in postwar Europe to elect a far-right government. This offers insight into the National Front’s success in a region of core support, southern France. Empire’s Legacy also shows what the far right does when it holds local power; and how opponents can dampen its appeal. Ernst Bloch’s ideas about politics and anachronism guide this study.

“Never Again”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Melbourne in the 1990s

2019 ◽  
Vol 116 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-240
Author(s):  
Vashti Jane Fox
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
Political Tactics ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Historical Coverage ◽  
Indirect Action

An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebranded fascist traditions from Europe and the USA by drawing on iconic figures and symbols of the Australian labour movement, anti-immigrant racist tropes and on white Australian nationalism. Anti-fascist groups were loose collections of left activists and organisations animated by memories of the racist horrors of World War II. This article shows that, over time, loosely affiliated ant-fascist groups were influenced by various overseas currents of thought about political practice. These included notions of a United or Popular Front, direct and indirect action, “no platforming” and “squaddism” respectively. The analysis draws on contemporary trends in international anti-fascism studies.

Transmitting a Far-Right Affinity

2019 ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Ties ◽  
Voluntary Associations ◽  
The State ◽  
Voluntary Association ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Patronage

This chapter examines the linkages between voluntary association, political patronage, and extremist politics. Post-election surveys conducted in Toulon after the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012 show that patriotic associations insulate their members within a subculture that nurtures support for the far right. This confirms the notion that associations that discourage cross-cutting social ties are not schools for tolerance. In addition, the chapter documents the prevalence of political patronage for voluntary associations. This undermines the autonomy of civil society from the state; and suggests that, indirectly, the state has helped to a support milieu that harbors a far-right potential.

Magnetostratigraphy of the Late Cenozoic of the Boso Peninsula, Central Japan

1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 294-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hisao Nakagawa ◽  
Nobuaki Niitsuma
Keyword(s):  
Deep Sea ◽  
Middle Part ◽  
Boso Peninsula ◽  
Deep Sea Sediments ◽  
First Occurrence ◽  
Normal Polarity ◽  
Globorotalia Truncatulinoides ◽  
Geomagnetic Polarity ◽  
Continuous Deposition

Marine Pliocene and Pleistocene beds of the Boso Peninsula are more than 3 km thick and contain abundant fauna and flora. Almost continuous deposition occurred at a high sedimentation rate from the early part of the last reversed geomagnetic polarity epoch to the middle part of the last normal polarity epoch. Several microbiostratigraphic marker horizons enable correlation with deep-sea sediments fully independent of magnetostratigraphic zonation. Globorotalia truncatulinoides first occurs below the normal polarity event BO-B-2, which is correlated with the Olduvai Event in deep-sea sediments, whereas the disappearance of discoasters and the first occurrence of Gephyrocapsa caribbeanica are recognized at the top of BO-B-2, and the first occurrence of Gephyrocapsa oceanica is recognized at the top of BO-B-1. Based on the correlation of the Boso section with Mediterranean stage stratotype sections, the transition from the Pliocene to Pleistocene is estimated to be in the lower part of the Kazusa Group.

All in the party family? Comparing far right voters in Western and Post-Communist Europe

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor J Allen
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Income Redistribution ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures ◽  
Western European ◽  
Party Family ◽  
Analytical Frameworks

Scholarship on far right parties in Post-Communist Europe has borrowed findings and analytical frameworks from studies on the Western European far right. Similarly, studies on Western European far right parties have increasingly referenced instances of far right success in post-communist states. These parties are similar in their Euroskepticism and exclusionary populism. However, little work has compared voters for the far right between regions. Different political opportunity structures have consequences for far right voter profiles in four important respects. First, the linkage between anti-immigrant attitudes and far right support is stronger in Western Europe. Second, far right voters in Western Europe are less religious than their post-communist counter-parts. Third, post-communist far right voters are economic leftists, whereas rightist attitudes toward income redistribution slightly predict a far right vote in Western Europe. Finally, far right voters in Western Europe are more satisfied with democracy as a regime type.

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