Defence and Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Ben Tonra

This chapter considers the terms of EU-UK relations in the field of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), another area which is entirely left out of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA). It underlines the exclusion of cooperation in foreign policy and defence as a deliberate UK choice; however, parties still have to work together to counter global challenges. It also explains the central place of the UK in European defence and security, and the absence of any formal defence relationship between these two actors within the framework of the TCA. The chapter clarifies that the absence of defence from the scope of the TCA is a function of the UK’s immediate focus on distancing itself from the EU for largely domestic political reasons. It highlights perceived sovereignty gains and defence policy cooperation on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) framework and bilateral/mini-lateral links.

Author(s):  
Thomas Ramopoulos

The Union’s competence in matters of common foreign and security policy shall cover all areas of foreign policy and all questions relating to the Union’s security, including the progressive framing of a common defence policy that might lead to a common defence.


Author(s):  
Ian Bache ◽  
Simon Bulmer ◽  
Stephen George ◽  
Owen Parker

This chapter examines the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). From 1993 to 2009, external political relations formed the second pillar of the EU, on CFSP. Although CFSP was officially an intergovernmental pillar, the European Commission came to play an important role. There were serious attempts to strengthen the security and defence aspects of the CFSP in the face of the threats that faced the EU from instability in its neighbouring territories. However, the EU remains far from having a truly supranational foreign policy and its status as a ‘power’ in international relations is debatable. The chapter first provides a historical background on the CFSP, focusing on the creation of the European Political Co-operation (EPC), before discussing the CFSP and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). It concludes with an assessment of EU power and its impact on world politics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Laura C. Ferreira-Pereira ◽  

This article examines the legacy of the three Portuguese Presidencies of the Council of the European Union (1992, 2000 and 2007) in the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). It places particular emphasis on the efforts undertaken by the national authorities to promote the EU’s global actorness as part of a strategy aimed at enhancing the country’s European credentials and international relevance. The study confirms the incremental prioritization of the CFSP/ESDP-related issues in the Portuguese EU presidencies’ agendas while concluding that, as a result of such tendency, one has witnessed the growing projection of Portugal’s vision of the European foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Simon Bulmer ◽  
Owen Parker ◽  
Ian Bache ◽  
Stephen George ◽  
Charlotte Burns

This chapter examines the European Union’s (EU’s) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It tells the story of increasing co-operation between member states on foreign policy matters, first with European Political Co-operation (EPC) and, since the 1990s, with CFSP and a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The chapter highlights the internal dynamics and external events that drove the member states towards such co-operation and considers the most recent example of such efforts: the 2017 attempt to create a system of permanent structured co-operation (PESCO). However, it is noted that the EU remains far from having a truly supranational foreign policy and there remains a reluctance from member states to push much further integration, given states’ keen desire to remain sovereign in this area. Finally, the chapter considers the EU’s status as a ‘power’ in international relations, noting that it has diminished in important respects since 2003, but remains an important economic power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 238 ◽  
pp. R43-R50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Whitman

None of the existing models for the future trade policy relationship between the UK and the EU come with a predetermined foreign and security policy relationship. This article assesses how the future EU-UK foreign and security policy relationship might be organised post-Brexit. It provides evaluation of the current EU-UK interrelationship in the fields of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and assesses the degree to which the UK is presently integrated into EU decision-making and implementation. It highlights that the UK needs to determine the degree to which it wants autonomy or even divergence from existing EU policies. The article concludes by rehearsing the costs and benefits of three possible future relationships between the UK and EU foreign, security and defence policy: integrated, associated or detached.


2021 ◽  
pp. 38-50
Author(s):  
Viktoriia Orlyk

The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toni Haastrup ◽  
Katharine A. M. Wright ◽  
Roberta Guerrina

In this article, we identify Brexit as a critical juncture, wherein the EU has had the opportunity to reflect on and reinforce its identity, as a promoter of gender issues within the security domain. It draws on this identity from a foundational myth of the EU as gender equality polity, resulting in the creation of a socio-legal order and sustained discourse on gender inclusivity in all policy areas. Existing scholarship has drawn attention to the EU’s particular success in gender equality promotion in the areas of social inclusion at member state level, including in the UK. But, is the EU’s reach comprehensive beyond this policy sphere? We examine the ways in which gender is manifested in the area of foreign policy, an area where the UK has consistently shown some leadership on the integration of gender perspectives in its foreign policy through its international development programmes and the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda. It is therefore timely to consider what impact Brexit has on EU policies, practices and the promotion of gender equality in this policy domain. Using a critical feminist lens, this article looks at the evolution of gender equality as a dimension of EU foreign and security policy in the context of EU–UK relations, and the divergences, opportunities and constraints that are crystallised by the Brexit process.


1982 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 251-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolaj Petersen

The recent opening of official archives has permitted many new insights into the complex process which led to the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in April 1949. One of these concerns the role of the Scandinavian countries, both as actors in their own right, and as pawns in the policy calculuses of the leading western powers. Recently Geir Lundestad has documented in great detail the role which Scandinavia played in American foreign policy in the 1945–49 period and especially in relation to the Atlantic Pact negotiations. In comparison, the position of Scandinavia in Britain's security policy in the period concerned is very little known.


Author(s):  
Andrii Hrubinko

The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.


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