Towards a Social Democratic Theory of the State

1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Pettit

The paper attempts two tasks. The first is to provide a characterization of the social democratic approach which sets it in contrast to liberal democratic theories. This is pursued by contrasting the different interpretations of the ideal of equal respect which are associated with the two approaches. The second task is to establish that the social democratic approach is, if not clearly superior, at least worth considering further. This task is pursued by the attempt to vindicate three assumptions which the social democratic approach must make about the state.

Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (S1) ◽  
pp. S30-S38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abby Innes

This paper examines Poland, Hungary, the UK and the US the most surprising cases of populist reaction. It argues that the social polarization caused by the failures of hyper-liberal reforms to the state, and the association of Social Democratic parties with those reforms, has provoked alienation from liberal democratic politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Imam Sukardi

The political concept of Alfarabi is derivated from the concept of Platonic, Aristotelian, and Islam. The ideal state is the state which is elaborated the universal values of humanism, not just limited to certain ethnic and nation which is emphasizing its obedience just to God, not the something else. In this paper, the writer tried to interpret the original works of Alfarabi which is directly related to his political thought and the other thinkers who are studying his political thought. In his political thought, Alfarabi emphasized that the main purpose of the state is to make the social-welfare for its citizens. Based on the organic theory, Alfarabi stated that the government of the state is just look-like the human organism system. In which, each of the existing element functioned to strengthen each other to achieve one goal. The ideal state for Alfarabi is the state which is having the goals for its citizen welfare, and who become the prime leader is a philosopher, who is having the prophetic character, having the wider knowledge, and able to communicate with al 'aql al fa’al trough al ‘aql mustafad. 


Author(s):  
Udi Greenberg

This chapter focuses on the theories of Ernst Fraenkel, one of the most important Socialist intellectuals in postwar Germany. In the 1950s, the German left transformed from a class-based party of international neutrality into a broad-tent party of Cold War conviction. This shift by the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) has its roots in intellectual projects in the Weimar period. No one represents this continuity better than Fraenkel, a member of a unique intellectual school that sought to fuse Socialist and bourgeois theories of law, politics, and democracy. In this line of thought, it was incumbent on Socialists and middle-class liberals to join together in building a new kind of democratic regime, premised on equal respect for individual rights and social welfare. According to Fraenkel, the SPD had to renounce its belief that only the nationalization of the economy would bring about “true” democratic equality. Instead, Socialists had to embrace democratic visions that centered on individual rights, reach out to the middle class, and focus on welfare programs. In Fraenkel's mind, the true threat to this progressive vision was not the middle classes and industrialists, as many Socialists claimed, but ultimately communism.


2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Koch

AbstractHow can literature and religion be understood together from a religious studies perspective? One possibility for a comparative basis is the social-ethical self-understanding that takes places within the literary medium. As an example of religious literature, the Book of Revelation is compared to Henning Mankell's contemporary crime fiction. The choice of ,,apocalyptic" models in their literary and pragmatic form is suitable for religious and socio-crime literature to analyze the state of their respective periods and to socialize certain behavior (be it religious, social democratic, etc.) through the reading experience. Moreover, the essay provides an excurse on literature in European religious history and uses methodological theses to show interpretation as criminological ,,investigation".


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Warren

Democratic theories that argue for expanding the scope and domain of democracy assume that democratic experiences will transform individuals in democratic ways. Individuals are likely to become more public-spirited, tolerant, knowledgeable, and self-reflective than they would otherwise be. This assumption depends on viewing the self as socially and discursively constituted, a view that contrasts with the standard liberal-democratic view of the self as prepolitically constituted and narrowly self-interested. The importance of the social and discursive view of the self is that it highlights how standard assumptions about the self help to justify limits to democratic participation. As now conceptualized, however, the transformational assumption does not meet standard objections to expanding democracy. I sketch an approach that distinguishes classes of interests according to their potentials for democratic transformation, and strengthens—by qualifying—transformative expectations in democratic theory.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Klay Kieh

Since the dawn of the post-colonial era in the various regions of the “Global South,” including Africa, the appropriate role of the state in the development process has been a frontier issue. The resulting debate has revolved around two major trajectories: the minimalist state and the maximalist state. The former, shaped by the liberal cum neo-liberal Weltanschauung, posits that the state should have a limited role in socio-economic development—basically the creation of propitious conditions for the private accumulation of capital. Essentially, the suzerainty over the development process should rest with the “market” and its associated forces, particularly businesses. On the other hand, the maximalist state perspective asserts that the state should have a prominent role in the development process, including serving as the engine. Importantly, the debate has gone through various cycles, each dominated by the minimalist state paradigm.In spite of the hegemony of the minimalist state perspective, several states in the “Global South” have experimented with various models of state dirigisme — the “developmental state:” authoritarian (e.g. Singapore and South Korea) and democratic (e.g. Botswana and Mauritius). Against this backdrop, using the lessons learned from the experiences of some of the states in the “Global South” that have experimented with variants of the developmental state model, this article concluded that the social democratic developmental state is the best trajectory for promoting human-centered democracy and development in Africa.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Borchert

AbstractThis article identifies three central tenets of democratic elitism as developed by various authors. It then traces the fate of these ideas within democratic theory. Surprisingly, I find almost universal, if unacknowledged, acceptance of democratic elitism's principles in contemporary theories of democracy. In the public, however, there is still a strong yearning for a democracy that is closer to the ideal and more open to public participation. This is reflected in public criticisms of "detached" professional politicians. I argue that a conceptual solution to the tension between the state of democratic theory and the public's expectations may ironically be provided by one strand within the theory of democratic elitism, namely Robert Dahl's theory of polyarchy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (38) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Borchert

“NÃO SE FAZEM MAIS ELITES COMO ANTIGAMENTE”: O INCESSANTE PROBLEMA DO ELITISMO DEMOCRÁTICO  “THEY AIN’T MAKING ELITES LIKE THEY USED TO”: THE NEVER ENDING TROUBLE WITH DEMOCRATIC ELITISM  RESUMO: Este artigo identifica três princípios centrais do elitismo democrático, da forma como foram desenvolvidos por vários autores. Em seguida, segue a sorte dessas ideias dentro da teoria democrática. Surpreendentemente, eu encontro a aceitação quase universal, embora não reconhecida, dos princípios do elitismo democrático nas teorias contemporâneas da democracia. Entre o público, no entanto, ainda existe um forte anseio por uma democracia mais próxima do ideal e mais aberta à participação pública. Isso se reflete nas críticas públicas a políticos profissionais “distanciados”. Eu argumento que uma solução conceitual para a tensão entre o estado da teoria democrática e as expectativas do público pode, ironicamente, ser fornecida por uma corrente dentro da teoria do elitismo democrático, a saber, a teoria da poliarquia de Robert Dahl. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: teorias da democracia, profissionalismo político, autonomia da elite, participação, competição. ABSTRACT: This article identifies three central tenets of democratic elitism as developed by various authors. It then traces the fate of these ideas within democratic theory. Surprisingly, I find almost universal, if unacknowledged, acceptance of democratic elitism’s principles in contemporary theories of democracy. In the public, however, there is still a strong yearning for a democracy that is closer to the ideal and more open to public participation. This is reflected in public criticisms of “detached” professional politicians. I argue that a conceptual solution to the tension between the state of democratic theory and the public’s expectations may ironically be provided by one strand within the theory of democratic elitism, namely Robert Dahl’s theory of polyarchy. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 02006
Author(s):  
Stepan Yaichny

This article discusses the basic concepts of Berdyaev’s philosophy, traces the relationship of his philosophical view and political convictions. This relationship is revealed through the concept of personality, which is the central concept of Berdyaev’s philosophy. Through the attitude to the personality, we can reveal the attitude of N. A. Berdyaev to the institution of the state, understand the social preferences of the Russian philosopher, who has come a long way from the representative of Russian Marxism to Russian religious philosophy. Having understood his ideas about the ideal structure of society, we can understand the attitude of N. A. Berdyaev to the Soviet state. The article distinguishes between two different types of relationships: the individual and society - collectivism and communitarianism. Berdyaev’s view is shown in the origins of Russian communism, which, in the opinion of the philosopher, are found not only in Western European philosophy, but also in the historical mentality of Russian people.


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