Identity Politics, Social Movement and the State: ‘Pan-African’ Associations and the Making of an ‘African community’ in Belgium

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Grégoire

Abstract Drawing on a social movement theoretical framework, the paper explores the collective action desires and attempts expressed within the African associational milieu in Belgium to improve the social, economic and political being of the African-rooted people in Belgium. It thus focuses on the emergence of non-profit organisations aiming at mobilising people of sub-Saharan African descent under a common ‘Pan-African’ banner. It analyses the link between the context for the emergence of these associations ‐ in which the state played an important role ‐ their working modes and their members’ affiliation strategies, as a way to address a ‘lack of mobilisation’ frequently deplored by many African associational leaders. Secondly, it shows how a certain African elite tries to go beyond old rivalries and previous failures, by shaping a Pan-African community, symbolically located both in the African life ‘here’ (in Belgium and by extension Europe) and ‘there’ (in Africa).

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Priyatno Harsasto

Social capital is a result of social movement  and vice versa. Social movement’s theories such as the mobilization of resource model tries to explain the anatomy of collective action in the context of liberal political system in the West. These theories can be used to dechiper collective action in general but may be not enough to explain rural social action in Indonesia which under transitional democracy political regime. In present rural Indonesia,  social movement participated by “weak” groups of peasants break out most frequently. These peasents movements are against local governments or enterprises who distupt citizens’  rights. The civic protest against semen enterprise in Maitan Village in Pati District is the case in point. The social networks created thecollective action. However, the horizontal networks among  protesters themselves cannot be succesful without the help of vertical network such as support that they may have received from high-ranking officials in the local government bureaucracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country’s return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones.


2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Kurfürst

This article explores the potential for the formation of collective action in Vietnam. Referring to land and labour protests, bauxite mining, anti-China demonstrations, as well as the revision of the 1992 Constitution, the article examines the social movement repertoires diverse groups have adopted to reach their objectives. Drawing on social movement theory and communication power, this contribution shows that apart from access to the technology, citizens’ opportunities to participate in digital networks as well as access to the default communication network of the state are necessary prerequisites in order to attain public attention and possibly to achieve social change. Moreover, this article shows that existing power differentials in Vietnam are reproduced in digital space. It concludes that for different collective behaviours to result in a social movement, it is essential to “switch” and to connect the different networks. For the moment, the call to protect Vietnam's sovereignty offers common ground for collective action.


Focaal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (81) ◽  
pp. 72-85
Author(s):  
Jaro Stacul

This article analyzes the reorganization of public memory space in postsocialist Poland and how the state and municipal councils use it to legitimate themselves. Drawing on research conducted in Gdańsk, the birthplace of the social movement (Solidarność) that questioned the legitimacy of the socialist state in the 1980s, it examines the proposed redevelopment of the shipyard where the movement was formed. While the redevelopment sets out to create a public memory space, it is rife with contradictions, for it involves demolishing many buildings associated with the movement. What legitimated the municipal council’s authority over its memorial landscapes was not so much its rediscovery of complex local histories as it was its ability to define the local past in “material” terms.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 2322-2337
Author(s):  
Maria Carolina Chaves de Sousa ◽  
Peter Mann de Toledo ◽  
Filipe Gomes Dias

At the beginning of the 20th century, urbanization and occupation of privileged spaces at the expense of “lowland” spaces and close to a floodplain. The “lowlands” were occupied by a population, mostly with socioeconomic needs, forming housing groups susceptible to flooding and flooding. To bring the recognition of rights to these occupants, a land regularization work was carried out by the Federal University of Pará - UFPA, together with public entities from the State and the Union. The article aims to present and compare the degree of socio-environmental vulnerability in the area of land C of UFPA in the municipality of Belém, object of land regularization activity, applying indicators and indices related to social, economic, legal and environmental issues. The results show that the degree of vulnerability is high in the years surveyed, concluding that the legal regularization work carried out in the area was only patrimonial, in order to transfer responsibilities for land use to the beneficiary residents and the recognition of the right of that title by law. . Effective land regularization work should involve a set of bodies responsible for the social, environmental, urban and land areas so that, in a concatenated and long-term manner, the work carried out is carried out so that the results are captured by the indicators and that the data decrease the degree of socio-environmental vulnerability in the studied area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Caleb Danjuma Dami ◽  
◽  

The mass protest to end the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (known as the #EndSARS protest) was a decentralized social movement and series of mass protests against police brutality in Nigeria. The protest started in 2017 as a Twitter campaign using the hash tag #ENDSARS to demand the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. This paper argues that the #EndSARS protest in Nigeria was a microcosmic manifestation of the deeply rooted dissatisfaction of Nigerians with the social, economic and political situation of the country. Data was collected using secondary sources such as internet material, journal, research reports and textbooks, and were analyzed using the expository and analytical method of inquiry, the paper demonstrates that the protest was just the avenue the Nigerian youths got to ventilate their frustration, disappointment and anger with the government. The paper asserts that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the underlying issues that fuelled the protest. Restructuring and resource control, which underline the gross inequality in Nigeria, are other current debates that gave rise to the protest. Following the analysis, the paper concludes that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the bane of Nigeria’s economic, political and social ill.


2010 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-73
Author(s):  
Cathie Withington

It was an article in an ANZASW publication that first told me about Council of International Fellowship (CIF) programmes. The CIF is a private, voluntary, non-profit organisation founded in Germany in 1960. CIF consists of National Branches in many countries including New Zealand. A typical exchange programme includes orientation, providing a theoretical framework to the social, economic and cultural trends in the country. Participants, who come from many different countries, make presentations about their work, as well as the socio-economic situation and cultural trends of their own country. This facilitates cultural exchange and sharing of ideas and skills.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gina M. Ferrie ◽  
Kay H. Farmer ◽  
Chris W. Kuhar ◽  
Alison P. Grand ◽  
Julie Sherman ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
William Chang

As a social movement, Credit Unions (CU) display the social, economic and cultural strength of little people. In line with contemporary developments and the advance of modern technology, the management of CUs needs to be monitored, evaluated and adapted to the social, economic and political situation that is continually changing. Nevertheless, in the midst of change the values of the CU are perennial and are very much needed in the movement. After looking at the founding and development, strengthens and weaknesses of the CU, this essay advances concrete steps for handling them. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> CU, gerakan sosial, kesejahteraan, pembudayaan nilai-nilai, keadilan, kearifan, keberanian, kejujuran dan tanggungjawab, tantangan-tantangan CU.


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