Exclusion and Violence After the Egyptian Coup

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Steven Brooke ◽  
Elizabeth R. Nugent
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
District Level ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Sectarian Violence ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Ideological Change ◽  
The Relationship

Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.

The June 30th Coup

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Step Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Terrorist Organization ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted during the 2012 anti-Morsi protests, the 2013 coup, the months following the coup, and at protests in Tahrir Square and at the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in. In addition to outlining the politics surrounding President Morsi’s 2012 constitutional declaration, the subsequent protests, and how the Tamarod movement mobilized mass protests against Morsi that took place on June 30, 2013, the chapter also presents the details and step-by-step process of the 2013 military coup. The chapter explains post-coup politics, including the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, the military’s mobilization of the public against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre, the cult of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the 2014 constitutional referendum and presidential elections.

Egypt the Triumph of State Over Citizens

2019 ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
Gamal Abdel Nasser

This chapter recounts the stages of the 2011 uprising in Egypt, from the fall of one military dictator to the rise of another. The upheaval ended three decades of sclerotic rule under Hosni Mubarak, and ushered in a brief period of democracy that saw the Muslim Brotherhood triumph in parliamentary and presidential elections for the first time in Egyptian history.After a year of tumultuous rule, Islamic President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a military coup d’état in 2013thanks to the connivance of self-proclaimed democratic secularists. The new military dictator, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has set about uprooting all traces of Islamist presence in the country and eliminating all civil society activism as well. His goal has been to turn Egypt back fifty years to restore the military state established by Gamal Abdel Nasser, and imitate his pursuit of costly mega-projects to solve the country’s crushing economic and social problems.

From the Komagata Maru to six Sikh MPs in Parliament : factors influencing electoral political participation in the Canadian-Sikh community

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geetika Singh Bagga
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
The Relationship

In the span of about 100 years Canadian-Sikhs have negotiated the path from political exclusion to political inclusion. This ethno-specific study focuses on the federal and provincial electoral performance of the Canadian-Sikh community and attempts to answer the following research questions. What factors have contributed to these electoral achievements, and what does having representation mean for the Sikh community -- have the results been substantive or symbolic? The research discuses [sic] a range of internal (community specific) and external (structural) factors that have allowed for such electoral success; and utilizes key informant interviews and a political engagement survey to examine community motivations for having elected representation. The study concludes by raising questions about the traditional interpretation around the nature of immigrant integration and political participation. Also highlighted here is the need for further ethnospecific research that recognizes the complexity of the relationship between the factors that influence political participation across different communities.

scholarly journals From the Komagata Maru to six Sikh MPs in Parliament : factors influencing electoral political participation in the Canadian-Sikh community

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geetika Singh Bagga
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
The Relationship

In the span of about 100 years Canadian-Sikhs have negotiated the path from political exclusion to political inclusion. This ethno-specific study focuses on the federal and provincial electoral performance of the Canadian-Sikh community and attempts to answer the following research questions. What factors have contributed to these electoral achievements, and what does having representation mean for the Sikh community -- have the results been substantive or symbolic? The research discuses [sic] a range of internal (community specific) and external (structural) factors that have allowed for such electoral success; and utilizes key informant interviews and a political engagement survey to examine community motivations for having elected representation. The study concludes by raising questions about the traditional interpretation around the nature of immigrant integration and political participation. Also highlighted here is the need for further ethnospecific research that recognizes the complexity of the relationship between the factors that influence political participation across different communities.

scholarly journals From ‘the effect of repression’ toward ‘the response to repression’

2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (6) ◽  
pp. 950-973 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Honari
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
State Repression ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Relationship

Scholars have long been interested in explaining the effect of state repression on political participation. Recent reviews of research on state repression highlighted contradictory findings about this effect, yet the core question is still debated: what accounts for the variation in the effects of repression? This article posits that, to make sense of the variation in repression’s effect on political participation, theorization needs to move toward predictions about individuals’ responses to repression. The article, thus, attempts to lay the foundations for such theorization by reviewing the scholarship on the relationship between repression and political participation through the lens of the strategic choices individuals can make. Seeing individuals as having agency and shifting focus to their responses to repression (1) offers a broader picture of the activities available to discontented people under repression and (2) provides a better account of the contentious politics occurring under repression. A number of strategies in response to repression are identified. The notion of ‘choice points’ is applied to formulate hypotheses about why or under what conditions people choose a particular strategy in response to repression. In doing so, this article outlines new avenues for empirical research on repression.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

Grievances against the Morsi Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Political Appointments ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

Repressive Religious Regulation and Political Mobilization in Central Asia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin Gamza ◽  
Pauline Jones
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Community ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Religious Persecution ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Perceived Harm

What is the relationship between state repression of religion and political mobilization in Muslim-majority states? Does religious repression increase the likelihood that Muslims will support acts of rebellion against the state? This chapter contends that the effect of repression on attitudes toward political mobilization is conditional on both the degree of enforcement and the type of religious practice that is being targeted. When enforcement is high and the repressive regulation being enforced targets communal (rather than individualistic) religious practices, Muslims expect state persecution of their religious community to increase, and that this persecution will extract a much greater toll. They are thus more willing to support taking political action against the state in order to protect their community from this perceived harm. The chapter tests this argument with two novel survey experiments conducted in Kyrgyzstan in 2019. It finds that the degree of enforcement has a significant effect on attitudes toward political mobilization, but this effect is negative (reducing support) rather than positive (increasing support). The chapter also finds that repression targeting communal practices has a stronger effect on attitudes toward political mobilization than repression targeting individualistic practices, but again, these effects are negative. The chapter’s findings suggest that the fear of collective punishment increases as the degree of enforcement increases, particularly when it comes to repression targeting communal practices. Thus, while Muslims are motivated to protect their community from harm, it may be that the certainty of financial and physical harm outweighs the expectation of increasing religious persecution.

scholarly journals Local Labor Markets and Child Learning Outcomes in India

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Tsaneva ◽  
Uttara Balakrishnan
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Test Scores ◽  
School Quality ◽  
Labor Demand ◽  
District Level ◽  
Education Spending ◽  
Education Outcomes ◽  
Market Opportunities ◽  
Primary School Age ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This paper uses data from rural India to study the relationship between local labor market opportunities and child education outcomes. We construct a Bartik index as a measure of exogenous changes in district-level labor demand and find that an increase in predicted overall employment growth is associated with higher years of education and better test scores for both boys and girls of primary school age. The effects on test scores of older boys are smaller and less statistically significant. Older girls, however, do benefit from better labor market opportunities. We do not find evidence for changes in school quality or district-level investment. Instead, we find support for increases in household education spending, possibly because of overall higher wages, or re-allocation of resources.

MARGINALIZED YET MOBILIZED

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alecia J. McGregor ◽  
Laura M. Bogart ◽  
Molly Higgins-Biddle ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Bisola Ojikutu
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Behavior ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Preliminary Evidence ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.

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