Rights-Politics and the Politics of Rights in Neoliberal India

Social Change ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-321
Author(s):  
Aparna Gopalan

In 1991, the Indian economy, was finally proclaimed liberalised from the control of the state; the market was now to be the sole engine of growth, development and poverty alleviation. But just over a decade later, a series of rights-based legislations––rights to food, work, information, education, and forests were seen as challenging the market’s dominance over an anti-poverty agenda and heralding the birth of India’s welfare state. These rights-based legislations have animated a growing field of social scientific inquiry which assesses the genesis and career of the different pro-poor laws that have passed since 2005. This paper reviews two recent contributions to that scholarship: Rob Jenkins and James Manor’s Politics and the Right to Work and Indrajit Roy’s Politics of the Poor, both of which are concerned with the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA). After contextualising the two books within an emerging legal activism and providing an in-depth discussion of their key concepts, arguments and methods, attention is paid to each author's explanation of the contradictions between India’s neoliberal economy and welfare state. In conclusion, the strengths and limitations of prevailing approaches studying India’s poverty alleviation programmes are discussed and it is suggested that a theoretical cross-fertilisation with neoliberalism studies could further reinvigorate and give shape to this promising literature.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot

In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among the poorest—and upper caste poor vote more for BJP than their co-ethnic rich anyway.


2021 ◽  
pp. 097226612110055
Author(s):  
Sanjiv Kumar ◽  
S. Madheswaran ◽  
B. P. Vani

Forerunning programmes of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), which were designed as poverty elimination programmes, took notice of geographical pockets of poverty and incorporated formula-based fund allocation mechanisms to poorer states and regions. The MGNREGA programme, in contrast, used a right-based ‘self-selection’ approach— relying on the initiative of households’ demand-driven strengths—to allocate need-based resources to states and regions within states. This article examines how well the demand-driven, right-based programme with self-selection allocated resources to states and regions according to their respective needs, and to what extent the benefits reached the poverty pockets and catered to the poorest, weakest and neediest households. We find that adequate resources did not reach the poorest states and regions, substantial numbers of poor households remained outside the programme or were deemed underserved, and there was a pronounced programme capture by elite states. The article explores causes and consequences of capacity limitations and low absorption pulls among states, and points to policy implications and ways forward.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani ◽  
K. Raju

This article argues that the Indian state can develop the capacity to deliver economic rights in a citizen-friendly way, despite serious challenges posed by patronage politics and clientelism. Clientelistic politics reveals why the Indian state fails to deliver the basic rights such as the right to work, health and education. We argue that the ability of the state to deliver owes a lot to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas in a path-dependent way. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after they have gained a fair amount of traction within the state. We test the powering and puzzling leading to a tipping point model on the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in undivided Andhra Pradesh (AP). How and why did undivided AP develop the capacity to make reach employment to the rural poor, when many other states failed to implement the right to work in India?


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Khundrakpam Romenkumar Singh

Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) is demand driven , self targeting employment generating poverty alleviation scheme which was launched by the UPA government in 2005 with full of hope to eradicate the problems of poverty and unemployment in the rural areas of India by targeting to provide at least 100 days of employment at each rural households. It is the only employment-generating programme, that a beneficiary can claim legally. The scheme was introduced in Manipur in the year 2008 with lot of hope to minimise the problem of poverty and unemployment in the state but after the eight years of implementation, the programme failed to deliver the expectations the people had on it. In this paper, an assessment of the performance of MGNREGS in Manipur of the year 2015-16 has been made.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 981-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larry Frohman

While the 1834 New Poor Law and the controversies over its reform represent one of the central threads in every narrative of the history of modern Britain, the same can hardly be said of the German poor laws, whose history is far less known. This is due in large part to a historiographical tradition that sees the Bismarckian social insurance programs as the fons et origo of the German welfare state and thus marginalizes all forms of social assistance that can not be neatly fitted into the narrative pre-history or subsequent development of these programs. This contrasts with a British tradition where, as E. P. Hennock has recently argued, national insurance was primarily conceived as a means of poor law reform, and where the poor laws figure prominently in the historiography of the welfare state. On the other hand, this insurance-centered approach to the welfare state is not entirely to blame because, for their part, historians of poor relief have not been able to establish any positive connections between individualized, subsidiary, deterrent relief and social insurance or social security systems based on rights deriving from either contributions or citizenship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zainul Arifin ◽  
Muhammad Syahri Ramadhan ◽  
Happy Warsito ◽  
Ardian Nugraha

The process of implementing the concept of a welfare state by the Indonesian government towards its people is a problem of poverty. The number of needy people in Indonesia is enormous. This is what underlies poverty to be considered a serious problem so that the Indonesian government provides specific regulations related to poverty handling through the issuance of Law no. 13 of 2001 concerning Management of the Poor. In the South Sumatra region, particularly the city of Palembang itself, the problem of poverty is a big task that must be faced by regional officials and other related agencies. The Social Service of South Sumatra Province stated that Palembang City was the city with the highest number of poor people compared to other districts / cities in South Sumatra. This of course requires the right policies in handling it, one of which is through the issuance of the Regional Regulation of South Sumatra Province Number 7 of 2017 concerning poverty reduction in South Sumatra


Author(s):  
Prakash Kumar ◽  
Jahanara Jahanara ◽  
Dipak Kumar Bose

The Government of India created a historic act, by enacting the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), the largest employment generating programme in the world, ensuring the right to work in a country with a population of over one billion. This Act gives legal guarantee of at least one hundred days of wage employment in a financial year to a rural household, whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled and manual work. The present study was conducted in Dinara block of Rohtas district of Bihar. Ex post facto research design was followed for the analysis because the research is conducted after the occurrence of a particular incident. There are 61 villages in Dinara block, including the village of Dinara itself. Total number of 6 villages were selected through random sampling based on existence of MGNREGA Program. A total number of 60 beneficiaries and 60 non-beneficiaries of MGNREGA scheme were selected through random sampling for the present study. From the above analysis, it was concluded that 51.67 percent of the beneficiaries’ respondents is having high level of Attitude, whereas in non-beneficiaries 56.67 percent of the respondents is having medium level of Attitude.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-29
Author(s):  
Syamsu Nujum ◽  
Fadhia Ratu Pratiwi

ABSTRACT Objective: The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which the role of government in empowering marginal/poor communities through various empowerment programs. To examine and explain the extent to which the benefits of programs to empower the poor society in reducing poverty. To examine and explain the Poverty Reduction Model that is more in line with the local wisdom of the people of South Sulawesi especially in the community in Kabupaten Gowa. It is intended to find a model that fits the needs and conditions of the poor communities in South Sulawesi, especially in Gowa so that it can be applied to poverty alleviation efforts in the future. Methodology: An interview and observation were done to 20 people from the poor community, government, community leaders, and practitioners in Gowa regency. Descriptive and reflective sections were used to analyze the data and examining the poverty alleviation model through the empowerment of socio-economic institutions in South Sulawesi in Gowa regency. Result: With the method of synergizing between Social Institution and Economic Institution, the researcher found that society can develop itself creatively and productively, so gradually Poverty will decrease as expected. Implication: Based on survey results, observations and interviews on the subject in this study, it can be concluded several things: That poverty experienced by the people of Gowa  Regency is cultural and structural poverty so that people naturally experience poverty without realizing it as a problem in their lives living as they are with the non-poor community. Poverty is seen as something destiny and need not be too much of a problem, but they live their lives as they are. To empower the poor community, it is necessary to select the right strategy for the needs of the community in moving the local wisdom of the community to be able to help them out of the hardships of life. An ideal empowerment strategy is Strategy with the model of learning in addressing the problems faced in the life of the community. Learning can change the people's mindset from laziness to being diligent from helpless to empower. Keywords: Model, Empowerment, Poverty, Institutional, Social, Economy


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-133
Author(s):  
Kanika Sahni ◽  
Nancy Sahni ◽  
Dr.B.P Gupta

Since its enactment in 2005, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) has been implemented in 200 districts in India, it is an employment programmer coupled with a rural upliftment scheme to create social equity, an empowerment scheme and a crucial public investment method to create durable assets The State is made legally binding to satisfy the right to work and wage payment within 15 days as per this scheme. State Governments are liable to pay unemployment allowance to wage seekers if it fails to provide employment within the stipulated time. The main objective of our study to check the awareness level of people about NREGA scheme, its effectiveness and Women empowerment on the basis of participation level and income household in the Hoshiarpur district of Punjab. The study conducted is descriptive as well as exploratory and data is collected through structured questionnaire. This study has resulted into positive impact on empowering the women.


Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nidhi Vij

AbstractSocial protection programs have been an important part of development process and planning in India since its Independence. However, after sixty-five years, around one-fourth of its population lives in poverty. Despite a plethora of social protection programs, vulnerable groups among the poor have not been well targeted. However, the recent paradigm shift towards rights-based legislations may have hit the right chord with its self-targeting mechanism. The Right to Work, or the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) provided employment to almost 55 million households and spending nearly 8 billion US dollars in April 2010–March 2011. Participation of women and socially backward groups has been exceptionally high. This paper analyzes the policy provisions, implementation and monitoring mechanism of MGNEGA to argue that policy designs with legal enforceable mechanisms and collaborative governance systems can lead to empowerment of the marginalized sections.


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