Making Democracy Safe for the World: Social Movements and Global Politics

1993 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie Paul Thiele
2021 ◽  
pp. 223386592110248
Author(s):  
Yooneui Kim ◽  
Youngwan Kim

Are international organizations autonomous actors in global politics? This paper investigates whether and how major powers influence the World Bank’s official development assistance policies. Despite the World Bank’s attempts to maintain independence from its member states, we argue that major powers are still influential. Testing this expectation with the data of official development assistance provisions between 1981 and 2017, we find that the World Bank provides a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipient countries that receive a higher amount of such assistance from the major powers such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan. In addition, the World Bank is prone to provide a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipients that have a similar preference to the major powers. This study sheds light on the relations between major powers and international organizations.


1978 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. Kim

This paper makes a macro-inquiry into Chinese global politics by defining and elaborating the Chinese image and strategy of world order within a normative framework. Empirical data and behavioral referents in the paper are largely drawn from Chinese multilateral diplomacy in the global community during the first half-decade (1971–1976) of Chinese participation in UN. Such a normative-globalist paradigm has a heuristic value in interpreting more broadly China's global policy and its impact on the evolving process of creating a more just and humane world order. The paper argues that the interactions between China and the world organization have, on the whole, been positive and that the relationship between the two has been one of mutual adjustment and mutual legitimization, with the resulting enhancement of each other's symbolic capability. By way of conclusion, the paper draws, in a tentative and speculative manner, some broad policy implications of the post-Mao leadership.


Author(s):  
Simon Caney

This chapter explores the relevance of facts and empirical enquiry for the normative project of enquiring what principles of distributive justice, if any, apply at the global level. Is empirical research needed for this kind of enquiry? And if so, how? Claims about global distributive justice often rest on factual assumptions. Seven different ways in which facts about national, regional and global politics (and hence empirical research into global politics) might inform accounts of global distributive justice are examined. A deep understanding of the nature of global politics and the world economy (and thus empirical research on it) is needed: to grasp the implications of principles of global distributive justice; to evaluate such principles for their attainability and political feasibility; to assess their desirability; and, first, to conceptualize the subject-matter of global distributive justice and to formulate the questions that accounts of global distributive justice need to answer.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Murk Lakhair ◽  
Ishrat Afshan Abbasi

The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.


PMLA ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 129 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Gikandi

What are we to do with english? Of all the major languages of the world, it causes the most anxiety. Its words seem to want to invade the citadels of other languages, forcing institutions such as the Académie Française to call for barricades against it; in the enclaves of Englishness, a Celtic fringe struggles to hold on to the remnants of the mother tongue; and in most parts of the world those without the ostensibly anointed language often see themselves as permanently locked out of the spring-wells of modernity. Sometimes the global linguistic map appears to be a simple division between those with English and those without it. In the reaches of the former British Empire, a swath of the globe stretching from Vancouver east to the Malay Peninsula, English has come to be seen as an advantage in the competitive world of global politics and trade; in the emerging powers of East Asia, most notably China and South Korea, the consumption of global English is evident in the huge sale of books on English as a second language; in parts of the world traditionally cut off from English, including eastern Europe, the mastery of the language marks the moment of arrival. Most linguistic research on English is carried out in institutions in the Germanic and Nordic zones of northern Europe. In popular books on language and in serious linguistic studies, a powerful myth of English as the global language has taken hold. We are presented not with a world at the end of history but with one in which English sits at the center of a new global community: “English-speaking people and their culture are more widespread in numbers and influence than any civilization the world has ever seen,” claims Robert McCrum (257).


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 393-421
Author(s):  
Radhika Jagtap

There is some significance attached to the role that local-level collective action plays in reimagining global structures like international law. A theoretical assessment of this idea could be done through a merger between the utopian analysis of international law and critical approaches to the discipline which now identify categories like social movements as contemporary modes of transformation. Social movements like the ‘Save Niyamgiri’ movement in India could be seen as a local level catalyst for rethinking, restructuring, and resisting mainstream international law. The paper intends to place the Dongria peoples’ narratives as a utopia of resistance. This utopia is a collective of epistemologies that emanate from their imagination and spirituality, making critical statements on the global politics that favour dystopian versions of domestic and international law. The paper looks into the way the Dongria peoples’ imagination was received and recognised by institutions including the Supreme Court of India and other civil society actors which led to the successful internationalisation of the movement. It develops a sense of the need for international law to look into the local mobilisations surrounding anti-mining resistance and politics of forest rights and concludes with the contention that a transformation of international law also means the redefining of the human condition.


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