Fear of Immigration Enforcement Among Older Latino Immigrants in the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 986-1014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nestor Rodriguez ◽  
Cristian L. Paredes ◽  
Jacqueline Hagan

Objective: The passage of the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) and other subsequent restrictive immigration policies have created fear among Latino immigrants. This study examines whether fear of immigration enforcement is socially significant among older (50+ years) foreign-born Latino individuals in the United States without citizenship or permanent residence, and whether disapproval of immigrant enforcement policies is directly associated with fear of immigration enforcement among this older population. Method: Data used in the analysis come from 2007, 2008, 2010, and 2013 national Latino surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center. Cross-sectional regression models are used to estimate the probabilities of fearing immigration enforcement in the Latino samples, as well as to examine the association between disapproval and fear of immigration enforcement. Results: The study finds that the predicted probabilities of fearing immigration enforcement among foreign-born individuals aged 50 and over without citizenship or permanent residence are not negligible. Moreover, the study finds evidence of a direct association between the disapproval of enforcement measures and fear of immigration enforcement. Discussion: Restrictive immigration measures have implications for conditions of fear and other stressors affecting the well-being of older immigrants.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Man Guo ◽  
Yi Wang ◽  
Jinyu Liu ◽  
Meredith Stensland ◽  
XinQi Dong

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M Krueger ◽  
Douglas P Jutte ◽  
Luisa Franzini ◽  
Irma Elo ◽  
Mark D Hayward

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-255
Author(s):  
Rocío Calvo ◽  
Dawn C. Carr ◽  
Christina Matz-Costa

Objective: This study investigated nativity disparities in life satisfaction among ethnoracial groups of older adults in the United States and the factors associated with such disparities. Method: Cross-sectional data from 7,348 respondents aged 60 and older from the 2012/2014 waves of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) were used to estimate linear regression models. Results: Older immigrants experienced higher levels of life satisfaction than comparable native-born individuals. This “happiness advantage” was particularly salient for Hispanic immigrants, who reported the highest levels of life satisfaction of all groups included in the study. With increasing education, life satisfaction increased for White and “Other Race” groups, regardless of nativity. However, for both Black groups and native-born Hispanics, higher levels of education were associated with lower life satisfaction. Discussion: Findings suggest that the “happiness paradox” may not only be a matter of Hispanic ethnicity, but that it may also extend to immigrants from other ethnoracial backgrounds.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrisia Macías-Rojas

The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) was a momentous law that recast undocumented immigration as a crime and fused immigration enforcement with crime control (García Hernández 2016; Lind 2016). Among its most controversial provisions, the law expanded the crimes, broadly defined, for which immigrants could be deported and legal permanent residency status revoked. The law instituted fast-track deportations and mandatory detention for immigrants with convictions. It restricted access to relief from deportation. It constrained the review of immigration court decisions and imposed barriers for filing class action lawsuits against the former US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). It provided for the development of biometric technologies to track “criminal aliens” and authorized the former INS to deputize state and local police and sheriff's departments to enforce immigration law (Guttentag 1997a; Migration News 1997a, 1997b, 1997c; Taylor 1997). In short, it put into law many of the punitive provisions associated with the criminalization of migration today. Legal scholars have documented the critical role that IIRIRA played in fundamentally transforming immigration enforcement, laying the groundwork for an emerging field of “crimmigration” (Morris 1997; Morawetz 1998, 2000; Kanstroom 2000; Miller 2003; Welch 2003; Stumpf 2006). These studies challenged the law's deportation and mandatory detention provisions, as well as its constraints on judicial review. And they exposed the law's widespread consequences, namely the deportations that ensued and the disproportionate impact of IIRIRA's enforcement measures on immigrants with longstanding ties to the United States (ABA 2004). Less is known about what drove IIRIRA's criminal provisions or how immigration came to be viewed through a lens of criminality in the first place. Scholars have mostly looked within the immigration policy arena for answers, focusing on immigration reform and the “new nativism” that peaked in the early nineties (Perea 1997; Jacobson 2008). Some studies have focused on interest group competition, particularly immigration restrictionists’ prohibitions on welfare benefits, while others have examined constructions of immigrants as a social threat (Chavez 2001; Nevins 2002, 2010; Newton 2008; Tichenor 2009; Bosworth and Kaufman 2011; Zatz and Rodriguez 2015). Surprisingly few studies have stepped outside the immigration policy arena to examine the role of crime politics and the policies of mass incarceration. Of these, scholars suggest that IIRIRA's most punitive provisions stem from a “new penology” in the criminal justice system, characterized by discourses and practices designed to predict dangerousness and to manage risk (Feeley and Simon 1992; Miller 2003; Stumpf 2006; Welch 2012). Yet historical connections between the punitive turn in the criminal justice and immigration systems have yet to be disentangled and laid bare. Certainly, nativist fears about unauthorized migration, national security, and demographic change were important factors shaping IIRIRA's criminal provisions, but this article argues that the crime politics advanced by the Republican Party (or the “Grand Old Party,” GOP) and the Democratic Party also played an undeniable and understudied role. The first part of the analysis examines policies of mass incarceration and the crime politics of the GOP under the Reagan administration. The second half focuses on the crime politics of the Democratic Party that recast undocumented migration as a crime and culminated in passage of IIRIRA under the Clinton administration. IIRIRA's criminal provisions continue to shape debates on the relationship between immigration and crime, the crimes that should provide grounds for expulsion from the United States, and the use of detention in deportation proceedings for those with criminal convictions. This essay considers the ways in which the War on Crime — specifically the failed mass incarceration policies — reshaped the immigration debate. It sheds light on the understudied role that crime politics of the GOP and the Democratic Party played in shaping IIRIRA — specifically its criminal provisions, which linked unauthorized migration with criminality, and fundamentally restructured immigration enforcement and infused it with the resources necessary to track, detain, and deport broad categories of immigrants, not just those with convictions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 363-368
Author(s):  
Barbara S. deRose

Introduction: Alarming increases in childhood disease outbreaks present particular threats to children of immigrants in the United States. The researcher explores issues Latino immigrants experience when vaccinating their children in U.S. health care system. Methodology: A purposive sample of 11 Latino immigrants who sought immunizations for their foreign-born children during their first 5 years in the United States was obtained. Interview questions, probes, and data collection methods were based on interpretive phenomenology. Results: Trust issues emerged as the main theme from the Latino immigrants’ perspective based on interactions with the health care system: trusting themselves as parents to vaccinate children, trusting/mistrusting the U.S. health care providers/facilities, and mistrusting the U.S. health care system. Discussion: The researcher reports disparities in access to health care within a family unit. Parental distress results when Latino immigrants experience health care disparities between U.S.-born and foreign-born children. This can be mitigated by making vaccination practices and health care policies consistent.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 26-30
Author(s):  
Amy Carattini

In a recent plea for immigration reform, President Obama called for lawmakers to endorse policy that would encourage highly skilled workers to stay in the United States (Yellin 2013). Yet, favorable legal policy is no guarantee that these skilled and highly mobile international professionals would choose to stay. Skilled workers are generally able to move in and out of the broad current of immigration flows, without causing the disruptive ripples that generate nation-state/media attention. In fact, it is often assumed that they integrate seamlessly (Favell, Feldblum, and Smith 2007; Freidenberg 2011). More research is needed to identify this population and to understand their motivations, needs, and experiences. Through an in-depth examination of life courses, the study reported on here seeks to acquire better knowledge of this population in order to determine whether their stays might be permanent or transitory and to inform appropriate policymaking.


Author(s):  
Lauren Thomaier ◽  
Deanna Teoh ◽  
Patricia Jewett ◽  
Heather Beckwith ◽  
Helen Parsons ◽  
...  

AbstractIntroductionCancer care is significantly impacted by the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Our objective was to evaluate the effect of the pandemic on the emotional well-being of oncology providers across the United States and explore factors associated with anxiety and depression symptoms.Methods and MaterialsA cross-sectional survey was administered to United States cancer-care physicians recruited over a two-week period (3/27/2020 – 4/10/2020) using snowball-convenience sampling through social media. Symptoms of anxiety and depression were measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-4).ResultsOf 486 participants, 374 (77.0%) completed the PHQ-4: mean age 45.7±9.6 years; 63.2% female; all oncologic specialties were represented. The rates of anxiety and depression symptoms were 62.0% and 23.5%, respectively. Demographic factors associated with anxiety included female sex, younger age, and less time in clinical practice. Perception of inadequate PPE (68.6% vs. 57.4%, p=0.03) and practicing in a state with more COVID-19 cases (65.8% vs. 51.1%, p=0.01) were associated with anxiety symptoms. Factors significantly associated with both anxiety and depression included: degree to which COVID-19 has interfered with the ability to provide treatment to cancer patients and concern that patients will not receive the level of care needed for non-COVID-19 illness (all p-values <0.01).ConclusionThe prevalence of anxiety and depression symptoms among oncology physicians in the United States during the COVID-19 pandemic is high. Our findings highlight factors associated with and sources of psychological distress to be addressed to protect the well-being of oncology physicians.


Author(s):  
Herman Curiel

According to the 2010 Census, 308.7 million people resided in the United States on April 1, 2010, of which 50.5 million (or 16%) were of Hispanic or Latino origin. The Mexican-origin population increased by 54% since the previous Census, and it had the largest numeric increase (11.2 million), growing from 20.6 million in 2000 to 31.8 million in 2010 (Ennis, Rio-Vargas, & Albert, 2011). The current U.S. Census demographic information was used to project the social needs of Mexican-origin Hispanics. An estimated 11.2 million unauthorized Hispanic-origin migrants reside in the United States. Select provisions of the failed 2007 Immigration Reform Act are discussed in context of the Reagan Administration’s 1986 Immigration Reform Act. Key words are defined to facilitate understanding of issues presented that affect the well-being of the Mexican-origin population. Best social work practices for working with Mexican-origin Hispanics are proposed in the context of issues identified in the narrative. Future trends are speculative predictions with suggestions based on the author's social work practice experience, research, and knowledge of the literature.


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