Discursive representation of the Article 370 abrogation: A comparative CDA of the headlines of two major Indian online news publications

Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492110568
Author(s):  
Arif Hussain Nadaf

The Indian government on 5 August, 2019, unilaterally removed Article 370 of its constitution that provided autonomous status to the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir. In order to pre-empt any backlash, the authorities put the entire region under strict lockdown and imposed a complete communication blackout including suspension of internet, mobile, and landline phone services. The Indian media vociferously covered the issue of higher “national interest” with no counter-narrative from local news media in the region. Using Van Djik’s socio-cognitive model, the study conducted comparative critical discourse analysis of the headlines from two major Indian online news publications; the English daily The Times of India and the Hindi daily Dainik Jagran to identify the discursive strategies adopted by these newspapers after the revocation of the Article 370. The study aimed to understand how Indian newspapers were shaping the discourse when the Indian government imposed communication restrictions and lockdown in the region. Through CDA, the study located the discursive strategies in the headlines and the ideological standpoints they reflected while covering the Article 370 controversy. The CDA found that the headline discourse in both the news publications was characterized by aggressive nationalistic assertion reinforcing domestic legitimacy for the government’s decision. The analysis further showed substantial evidence for the cultural distances between the English and Hindi language news discourse. Unlike English headlines, the Hindi headlines contained explicit linguistic subjectivities and were overtly hyperbolic in recognizing and blending itself with the nationalist assertion and socio-political expression around the abrogation of Article 370.

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Cynthia Wang

This article intends to reveal the power dimensions and ideological positions embedded in dominant media discourses. Informed by theories of media representation as well as those of colonialism and Orientalism, this article analyses eight articles from two British daily online news media sources, namely, The Guardian and The Telegraph. The methodological framework adopted draws on Fairclough's (1995) conception of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine textual features, and employs Bazzi's contextual analysis model with an emphasis on ideology. These methodologies are utilised in an effort to investigate the British media's representational and discursive strategies concerning a wave of stabbing incidents in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict during the six-month violence between October 2015 and March 2016. The results indicate that violent actions are framed in a binary fashion, between self and other, and that the discursive strategies employed position Palestinian subjects as unworthy victims or violent initiators, whereas Israelis were represented relatively positively, in order to inscribe the accepted values in British society and foreign policy. This article attempts to contribute to the discussion on the impact of media agencies embedded within a particular societal and political context, and comments upon their ability to foster and disseminate hegemonic ideologies, which in turn reinforce systemic power inequalities in times of conflict.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dery Rovino ◽  
Fadhilah Nur Afifah ◽  
Tiara Aqwya Aningrum Kusuma Wardani

The news media, once thought to be only as a tool of information delivery, has subtly shifted its roles as an agent of (de)constructing thoughts, introducing, or denoting fear especially in appalling news. This raises a question whether the news on the COVID-19 pandemic is only for transmitting news updates on the pandemic condition or agenda-driven. However, research tapping into the imbued messages in language complexity in this context seems minimal. This study aims to uncover the language elements that sign fear in a news text. This research focuses on how fear is imbued in three online English-language newspaper articles in Indonesia published by the Jakarta Post, thereby the rhetoric of fear. The three articles discussed the spread of COVID-19 in Indonesia.  In this study, CDA is devised to reveal the traces of fear-embedded language choices found in the three online newspaper articles. Researchers used the critical analysis discourse model of Teun A. Van Dijk (1993) and the three elements of discourse (1993): micro, macro, and superstructure. Findings indicated that there were common uses of euphemism, dysphemism, and orthophemism to refine the language being conveyed. This study classified euphemism into five objectives: (1) evasive maneuver to prevent mass panic; (2) speech refinement to soften offence, insults, and/ or other language expressions that may result to humiliation; (3) diplomacy tool; (4) language replacement for taboo or vulgar language choices or those endowed with negative connotation (5) tool for satire, sarcasm and subtle criticism. This study also revealed some linguistic decisions, such as lexicon choices and strategies on sentence construction, subtly evident not only to impose fear, but at the same time to dispose it. Researchers hope that this study may assist the readers in pinpointing subtleties in author’s tone and tendency.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniëlle Raeijmaekers ◽  
Pieter Maeseele

Ideological pluralism in Flemish news media outlets: the Belgian government formation 2010-2011 Ideological pluralism in Flemish news media outlets: the Belgian government formation 2010-2011 On the basis of a critical discourse analysis of four crisis moments during the Belgian government formation 2010-2011, this paper aims to reveal the ideological assumptions and preferences in the editorializing coverage of four Flemish news media outlets, with a specific focus on the ethnic-linguistic and socio-economic fault line. The analysis demonstrates a certain level of ideological pluralism between the selected newspapers on the one hand and an alternative online news medium on the other, by distinguishing two ideological cultures, respectively characterized by depoliticizing and politicizing discursive strategies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yating Yu ◽  
Mark Nartey

Although the Chinese media’s construction of unmarried citizens as ‘leftover’ has incited much controversy, little research attention has been given to the ways ‘leftover men’ are represented in discourse. To fill this gap, this study performs a critical discourse analysis of 65 English language news reports in Chinese media to investigate the predominant gendered discourses underlying representations of leftover men and the discursive strategies used to construct their identities. The findings show that the media perpetuate a myth of ‘protest masculinity’ by suggesting that poor, single men may become a threat to social harmony due to the shortage of marriageable women in China. Leftover men are represented as poor men, troublemakers and victims via discursive processes that include referential, predicational and aggregation strategies as well as metaphor. This study sheds light on the issues and concerns of a marginalised group whose predicament has not been given much attention in the literature.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-66
Author(s):  
Anthony M. Gunde

The rise of the internet has offered the opportunity for the news media to communicate with audiences in many significant ways that may have profound consequences in the shaping of public opinion and transforming lives in the global sphere. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this article examines ways in which online news media could be used to reinforce gender stereotypes by promoting patriarchal religious beliefs and how this may have huge implications on women’s empowerment with regard to political leadership roles in developing democracies. The analysis is drawn from the 2014 Malawi elections, in which a major opposition party used a campaign slogan peppered with sexist religious and cultural connotations to ridicule and vote out of office southern Africa’s first ever female President – Joyce Banda and her People Party (PP). In May 2014, Malawi held national elections and the main contestants were former President Banda representing the PP, Peter Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Lazarus Chakwera of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Atupele Muluzi of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Mutharika and the DPP won the elections to wrestle away the presidency from Banda and her People’s Party. This article discusses the campaign slogan – Sesa Joyce Sesa – created by the DPP to attack former President Banda in which Malawi’s significant online news media sites played a critical role in the diffusion of the gendered campaign mantra to resonate with the religious identity of majority the electorate. The article reflects on the potential of new media to consolidate deep-rooted religious and cultural beliefs that marginalise women for leadership positions and the effect this may have on bridging gender inequalities, particularly in political representation in developing democracies.


Author(s):  
Nicolá Goc

Throughout the history of journalism the notion of a mother killing her infant child—committing an act of infanticide—has always been high on the news values scale. In the 19th century, sensational news reports of illicit sexual liaisons, of childbirth and grisly murder, appeared regularly in the press, naming and shaming transgressive unmarried women and framing them as a danger to society. These lurid stories were published in broadsheets and the popular press as well as in respectable newspapers, including the most influential English newspaper of the century, The Times of London. In 19th-century England, The Times played a powerful role in influencing public opinion on the issue of infanticide using lurid reports of infanticide trials and coronial inquests as evidence in stirring editorials as part of their political campaign to reform the 1834 New Poor Law and repeal its pernicious Bastardy Clause, which had led to a large increase in rates of infanticide. News texts, because of their ability to capture one view of a society at a given moment in time, are a valuable historical resource and can also provide insight into journalism practices and the creation of public opinion. Infanticide court and coronial news reports provided details of the desperate murderous actions of young women and also furnished potent evidence of legal and government policy failures. The use of critical discourse analysis (CDA) in studying infanticide reports in The Times provides insight into the ways in which infanticide news stories worked as ideological texts and how journalists created understandings about illegitimacy, the “fallen woman,” infanticide, social injustice, and discriminatory gendered laws through news discourse.


Author(s):  
Farah Nadia Harun ◽  
Muhammad Marwan Ismail ◽  
Anissa Daoudi ◽  
Paul Thompson

In a society mostly dominated by man, Saudi women faced many restrictions compared to man as they have legally been barred from doing many things by themselves or at least without a male guardian. One of these restrictions is car driving, which was supported by the Islamic pronunciation (fatwa) made by the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia. Over the last twenty years, there are a lot of struggles recorded by the mass media between the group demanding more rights for Saudi women and the conservative preserving the fundamental of Saudi's culture based on strict Islamic teaching. Hence, this paper examines the way modern standard Arabic online news of Al-Jazirah (AJ) of Saudi Arabia and BBC Arabic (BBCA) of United Kingdom portrayed the restriction of car driving on Saudi women. This paper aims to analyse the ways that language is exploited in BBCA and AJ to report on struggles around the driving restriction on Saudi women, particularly in the used of modality as one of discourse construction strategy utilised by the news outlets. Therefore, the paper will examine the corpus data consists of online news articles published by BBCA and AJ between 2010 and 2014 using corpus data mining software ‘AntConc 3.1’. The quantitative result of corpus data then will be analysed using a qualitative approach based on the textual-oriented Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of Fairclough and media discourse of Ruth Wodak. The result shows that the two news outlets have a different way of portraying the restriction of driving on Saudi women according to their political agendas and ideologies. Hence reveal the hidden agenda and ideologies of Arabic online news discourses around the issue of driving restriction and the Saudi women in general.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Quint Kik ◽  
Piet Bakker ◽  
Laura Buijs

More local news media, more of the same news More local news media, more of the same news The aim of this study was to map the Dutch local media landscape. What defines this landscape? Are there regional differences? Is any change noticeable in the relationship between offline and online news media?Results show that residents of Dutch municipalities have access to an average of 29 news media. However, only 40 percent of those media carry original news. Especially online local news is often copied or linked to; only 8 out of 19 online news media contain original news. Aggregators are dominant within the field of online news channels.While traditional local news media (newspapers, radio, television) encountered declines in the past few years, the number of hyperlocal online media increased. However, our research shows that this drop of traditional news media is compensated by online initiatives. In fact, in municipalities with many traditional news media, there also more hyperlocals.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 519-541
Author(s):  
Innocent Chiluwa

This study analyses news reports of public reactions to the controversial legislators’ monthly/annual income in Nigeria in 2019, which was presumed to far exceed the salaries of legislators worldwide. Data for this study are news and opinion articles published between 2017 and 2019 that represent public response to the salary scandal involving public officers and National Assembly members. Critical discourse analysis is adopted in the analyses of media representations of the main actors in and situations of the scandal. Hence, discursive strategies identified in the resistance discourse of the news media are qualitatively analysed. The study argues that lack of accountability and widespread corruption in the Nigerian political economy is a reflection of weak political institutions, such as those that empower legislators to enrich themselves.


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