scholarly journals After abortion’s arrival in Northern Ireland: Conscientious objection and other concerns

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-74
Author(s):  
Nathan Emmerich

Until recently, Northern Ireland was infamous for having one of the most restrictive legal frameworks for abortion in Europe. This meant that few were performed in the country, and those who wished to terminate a pregnancy were forced to travel to other parts of the UK or further afield. In 2019 a continuing political stalemate in Northern Ireland has indirectly resulted in the relevant legislation recently being repealed by the UK government. For a short time, this meant that the legal position in Northern Ireland regarding abortion became one of the most permissive in Europe. This short paper sets out the current position and, in the light of the political and legislative roadmap set out by the Northern Ireland Office, identifies and briefly discusses some potential problems that might arise. Most notable are the points raised with regard to conscientious objection. Specifically, the potential for developments in Northern Ireland to further calls for healthcare professional’s ability to rely upon conscientious objection to be removed.

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter analyses politics in Northern Ireland in the context, first, of the failed attempts to implement devolution that led to its suspension, then the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, elections and the restoration of devolution in 2007. It reappraises the tortuous years in terms of the territorial strains that were still present in Northern Ireland, the resources available to the Republican/Nationalist and Unionist party leaderships in Northern Ireland as well as to the Blair government, and the political management approaches that they each pursued. It focuses on the political imperatives and constraints that determined the Northern Ireland Assembly's journey between intermittent existence and suspension, and eventually led to the unlikely agreement between the leaders of the extreme representatives of Republicanism and Unionism. The chapter is informed by the proposition that both sides in Northern Ireland still recognised their resource limitations in asserting their ideal outcomes in the short term. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Fein still pursued power-sharing devolution in the short to medium term to realise their long-term objectives of Irish unity. This was principally to be achieved through electoral success and the cultivation of the North–South institutions under strand two of the Belfast Agreement to normalise Irish governance through instrumental arguments, shared policy development and functional spillovers. Meanwhile, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), as the principal Unionist party, competitively sought to use devolution as a new framework in which to sustain an inter-governmentalist approach to governing within the UK, asserting the very different long-term aim of maintaining Northern Ireland within the Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 382-410

This chapter provides a detailed analysis of the rules that govern the award of regulatory exclusivity rights, which focuses on the EU law. It talks about the arrangements around Northern Ireland that will incentivize the UK and EU to stay in close alignment in heavily regulated product markets, such as pharmaceuticals. It also sets out an overview of the law surrounding the full and abridged generic marketing authorization applications from an exclusivity perspective. The chapter covers some of the seminal judicial decisions, which demonstrate the legal challenges and decisions that have shaped the current position. It provides a summary of the basics of data and market exclusivity in the EU.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 1011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihaela Simionescu ◽  
Dalia Streimikiene ◽  
Wadim Strielkowski

Considering the debate related to the potential effects of Brexit on the UK economy, the aim of this paper is to assess the impact of Brexit on the monthly unemployment rate since the vote for the UK leave from the European Union. This is one of the most important indicators of sustainable development for the country. The novelty of this research is given by the use of microdata to reflect the political instability brought by Brexit, with Google Trends being the tool for collecting the data. Moreover, the data for the four countries that compose the UK are considered (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland, Wales) in a panel data and multilevel framework. The results are consistent with the analysis of important macroeconomic indicators and indicate that Brexit concerns decreased the unemployment rate in the period June 2016–March 2019, with few arguments being provided for this. The state policies should encourage the investment in order to support the future economic growth and sustainable development of the UK.


Author(s):  
O.V. Okhoshin

The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the UK government with the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland to address issues of border regulation and prevention of the negative consequences of Brexit. The aim of the article is to comprehend the official line of T. May’s conservative cabinets to maintain a transparent border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland established by the Belfast Agreement of 1998, as well as to overcome the political crisis within the Northern Ireland Assembly, which has continued since January 2017. During the negotiation process between London and Brussels interests of Euroskeptics and Eurooptimists clashed in the UK Parliament and Government, which directly influenced the political processes in the regions of the United Kingdom. Disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein created additional socio-economic tensions in Northern Ireland, which made the Brexit negotiation process difficult.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 235-266 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThe 1998 Belfast Agreement concluded by most of the political parties in Northern Ireland and the British and Irish Governments is a very sophisticated blueprint, which attempts to deal with the various facets of a political entity in which a sizeable minority of the population wish to belong to another state. The structures and processes devised in the Belfast Agreement must cope with the so-called 'double minority' problem, ensuring that while Northern Ireland remains in the UK, it is on terms which respect and safeguard the members of the nationalist community who wish to be in a united Ireland, but also provide for the change in constitutional status from the UK to Irish unification in a manner which respects and safeguards the members of the unionist community who are opposed to that change. The Belfast Agreement, particularly in the reformulated Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish constitution, would appear to place primacy upon people and their diversity of identities and trad itions over territory. The Belfast Agreement also operates within a special framework which accommodates national identities through sub-state and inter-state relationships in which law seeks to protect human rights, both individual and collective.


UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 275-301
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter explores the UK as a state which is made up of a number of diverse parts. These parts are Wales, Scotland, England, and the territory of Northern Ireland. Each part has its own characteristics which show through in the political and constitutional makeup of the UK as a whole. The chapter describes these different components. It discusses the various differences between them and looks at issues related to maintaining coherence. Using theoretical models, it analyses the nature of the UK as the state, the nation state, and the multinational state. It looks at the concepts of consociationalism, the unitary state, the union state, and federation. It provides a number of practical examples which demonstrate how these ideas operate in the real world. It also considers the Welsh language, territorial variation in the party system, the ‘English Votes for English Laws’ procedure in the UK House of Commons; and the ‘Barnett’ formular for the allocation of funding in the UK.


2021 ◽  
pp. 71-90
Author(s):  
Eileen Connolly ◽  
John Doyle

This chapter focuses on the political situation in Northern Ireland, outlining the impact of the Northern Ireland Protocol on cross-community relations. It reflects on the consequences that social change will have on the option for Irish unification. It also provides a background of the Northern Ireland Protocol, analysing why the protection of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement became a core issue for the EU and why a sea border emerged as the agreed solution. The chapter examines the political cleavages in Northern Ireland that underpin the deep conflict over the location of the post-Brexit border. It also elaborates why the location of the border will remain a focus for political conflict, although the Northern Ireland Protocol allowed the EU and the UK to reach agreement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Hafsa Yusufi ◽  
Tamara Hervey ◽  
Astrid Bloemink ◽  
Annie Cavanagh ◽  
Hannah Shaw

Abstract The UK left the European Union’s single market on 1 January 2021. A Withdrawal Agreement made special provision for Northern Ireland. However, ‘grace periods’ concerning supply of goods were agreed, delaying full application of the new rules. The Northern Ireland NHS is heavily reliant on supplies from Great Britain. If these supplies are disrupted, the quality of care offered to patients will diminish. This article shows the legal details of applicable law once the ‘grace periods’, which are currently securing supply, cease to apply. It reveals significant costs and uncertainties associated with supply of products to the NHS in Northern Ireland. The direction of travel, unless something changes, is that new products will reach patients later than in Great Britain, and there is a real possibility that some products become difficult or impossible for the NHS in Northern Ireland to source. The result will be reduced quality of patient care.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lea Barbett ◽  
Edward Stupple ◽  
Michael Sweet ◽  
Miles Richardson

The planet is facing an anthropogenic mass extinction of wildlife, which will have a grave impact on the environment and humans. Widespread human action is needed to minimize the negative impact of humans on biodiversity and support the restoration of wildlife. In order to find effective ways to promote pro-nature conservation behaviours to the general population, there is a need to provide a list of behaviours which will have worthwhile ecological impact and are worth encouraging. In a novel collaboration between psychologists and ecologists, 70 experts from practical and academic conservation backgrounds were asked to review and rate 48 conservation related behaviours. According to their judgement, this short paper presents a ranked list of pro-nature conservation behaviours for the public in the UK and similar landscapes. This includes behaviours people can engage in in their homes, their gardens, on their land, and in their roles as citizens.


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