scholarly journals Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia

Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
T. Yu. Vepretskaya

The article examines the  memoirs of a Spanish diplomat Anibal Morillo and Perez del  Villar, the   Count of  Cartagena. He  held  the   post of the  Spanish ambassador in the  Russian  Empire in 1914-1916 when World War  One  broke out.  “Memories  of my Embassy in Russia”  by Morillo is a specific source that shows the  life of the  zarist court and diplomatic circles of St. Petersburg in that period. The Count of Cartagena’s activity has not been considered much  in Russian  historiography.  Based on the analysis of his memoirs, the author of the article suggests that Morillo considered the  Russian revolution to be brought in from outside. A study of the  memoirs showed that the  Spanish ambassador at St. Petersburg preferred  German diplomacy and had a peculiar notion of  the  role of Russia  in unleashing the  war.  The  author of this  article concludes that Morillo’s ideas were partly shaped by the  internal problems and the international situation of his own country at the beginning of the 20th century and that the  Spanish ambassador  was one of  the  Spanish Germanophiles. Spain maintained strict  neutrality throughout the  war. The  Spanish embassy  in Russia  carried out  important humanitarian mission  and active mediation activities, supporting Russian  citizens on enemy territory and trying to improve the  situation of Russian  prisoners of war and facilitate their return. The issue of the  personal participation of Anibal Morillo in mediation is also  touched upon in this article.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bezarov

The article studies the place and role of Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire in thehistorical context of the First Russian Revolution of 1905 – 1907. It was proved that Jewish pogroms were a trigger mechanism used by opposition and revolutionary groups in the Russian Empire and beyond, in order to provoke a political confrontation with the Russian government, which was postfactum declared to be the fault of the «mass murder of peaceful Jews». The corresponding propaganda of the «pogrom policy of autocracy» was supported by the opposition and revolutionary periodical press. According to the logic of the Russian opposition it should, firstly, destabilize the internal situation in the country, and, secondly, discredit the autocracy in the eyes of the world community. The confrontation was critical when both sides of the conflict began to resort to the method of pogroms provocation. If anti-government groups used this method at the beginning of the revolutionary events, the Russian authorities turned to the corresponding «services» of the monarchists and the Russian citizens loyal to the regime at the final stage of the revolution when the government demanded more determination in its suppression. The author believes that the First Russian Revolution failed to solve the Jewish question. Accordingly, Russian Jewry again turned into a hostage in the confrontation of the autocracy with the opposition political groups, and the territory of the Jewish Pale of Settlement remained a human capacity and source of energy in the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in subsequent years as well, because if the autocracy succeeded in breaking out the victory of the hands of Jewish revolutionaries in 1905 – 1907, it was only at the cost of victims of their own citizens. Keywords: Jewish pogroms 1905 ‒ 1907, First Russian Revolution, Bund, Jewish self-defence, Russianempire


Author(s):  
T. Rocchi

The western French department of the Vendee has acquired a certain regional identity in the politics of historical memory not only of the French Revolution but also of the Russian Revolution of 1917-1922. The royalist rebellion of the Vendee peasants between 1793-1796 has become a synonym for a region of mass lower-class counter-revolution. Not surprisingly, both supporters and opponents of the Bolsheviks tried to find parallels with the French Revolution to explain the massiveness of anti-Bolshevik opposition in certain regions of the former Russian Empire. Often both Reds and Whites called the Cossack lands, especially the Don, the Vendee of the Russian Revolution. However, it is impossible to place an equal sign between the Vendee peasants, fighting for king and church, and anti-Bolshevik Cossacks and peasants because the Cossacks and peasants were not fighting for the restoration of the monarchy. One can find a Russian equivalent to the Vendee regional concept of mass counter-revolution in the nine western provinces of the Russian Empire in the Revolution of 1905-1907. These provinces, along with six other provinces, comprised the Jewish Pale of Settlement and became bastions of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations. Unlike the interior Russian regions, the western provinces were multiethnic and multireligious. The western provinces had mass protest movements and outbreaks of terrorism where ethnic, religious and social factors intersected. The amorphous populist Black Hundred ideology could attract mass support in the western provinces from all those seeing themselves as victims of all different variations of exploitation and injustices from the hands of different establishments.


2019 ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Alexander Stykalin

The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.


2019 ◽  
pp. 154-237
Author(s):  
A.A. Sotnikova

Книга известного британского журналиста Моргана Прайса, появившаяся в продаже в Англии в 1921 году, преследовала несколько основных целей. Вопервых, автор рассказал о своей работе в Российской империи во время ее революционного превращения в демократическое общество. Прайс не только высказал свое отношение к революции, ее лидерам и их противникам, но и зафиксировал ход реформ, представив их как постепенно поэтапные и многофункциональные. Вовторых, автор показывает свое сочувствие революции, народу, который после долгих лет рабства высказался за свои права и свободы. Изображая действия простых крепостных, солдат и рабочих, Прайс показывает их, а не их вождей, как творцов революции. Кроме того, Прайс предлагает уникальное портфолио по всем политическим лидерам революционной России, подробно описывая их внешность, манеры и поведение, записав их во время официального выступления. Эта книга сыграла важную роль в формировании отношения британского общества к переменам в России. Это помогло устранить неверие и оценить русскую революцию как типичный ход политических изменений, которые в определенный момент происходили во всех европейских странах. Прайс М. П. мои воспоминания о русской революции. Лондон, 1921 год.Р. 179. Пер. с англ. О.В. Кузнецовой.The book by the wellknown British journalist Morgan Price, which appeared to be sold in England in 1921, had several main goals. First, the author told about his job in the Russian Empire during its revolutionary transformation into a democratic society. Price not only stated his attitude towards the revolution, its leaders and their opponents, but also recorded the course of the reforms, presenting them as gradually staged and multifunctional. Secondly, the author reveals his sympathy to the revolution, the people, who after long years of slavery has spoken up for their rights and freedoms. Depicting the actions of simple serfs, soldiers and workers, Price shows them, not their leaders, as revolution creators. Moreover Price offers a unique portfolio on all the political leaders of the revolutionary Russia, depicting in details their appearance, manners and behavior, having recorded them while officially speaking. This book played an important role in forging the attitude of British society towards the changes in Russia. It helped to eliminate misbeliefs and to estimate the Russian Revolution as a typical course of political changes, which at a certain moment took place in all European countries. Price


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-20
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shaidurov

The period between the 19th – early 20th century witnessed waves of actively forming Polish communities in Russia’s rural areas. A major factor that contributed to the process was the repressive policy by the Russian Empire towards those involved in the Polish national liberation and revolutionary movement. Large communities were founded in Siberia, the Volga region, Caucasus, and European North of Russia (Arkhangelsk). One of the largest communities emerged in Siberia. By the early 20th century, the Polonia in the region consisted of tens of thousands of people. The Polish population was engaged in Siberia’s economic life and was an important stakeholder in business. Among the most well-known Polish-Siberian entrepreneurs was Alfons Poklewski-Koziell who was called the “Vodka King of Siberia” by his contemporaries. Poles, who returned from Siberian exile and penal labor, left recollections of their staying in Siberia or notes on the region starting already from the middle of the 19th century. It was this literature that was the main source of information about the life of the Siberian full for a long time. Exile undoubtedly became a significant factor that was responsible for Russia’s negative image in the historical memory of Poles. This was reflected in publications based on the martyrological approach in the Polish historiography. Glorification of the struggle of Poles to restore their statehood was a central standpoint adopted not only in memoirs, but also in scientific studies that appeared the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The martyrological approach dominated the Polish historiography until 1970s. It was not until the late 20th century that serious scientific research started utilizing the civilizational approach, which broke the mold of the Polish historical science. This is currently a leading approach. This enables us to objectively reconstruct the history of the Siberian Polonia in the imperial period of the Russian history. The article is intended to analyze publications by Polish authors on the history of the Polish community in Siberia the 19th – early 20th century. It focuses on memoirs and research works, which had an impact on the reconstruction of the Siberian Polonia’s history. The paper is written using the retrospective, genetic, and comparative methods.re.


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