Jewish Pogroms in the Historical Context of the First Russian Revolution

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bezarov
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Mass Murder ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Cost

The article studies the place and role of Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire in thehistorical context of the First Russian Revolution of 1905 – 1907. It was proved that Jewish pogroms were a trigger mechanism used by opposition and revolutionary groups in the Russian Empire and beyond, in order to provoke a political confrontation with the Russian government, which was postfactum declared to be the fault of the «mass murder of peaceful Jews». The corresponding propaganda of the «pogrom policy of autocracy» was supported by the opposition and revolutionary periodical press. According to the logic of the Russian opposition it should, firstly, destabilize the internal situation in the country, and, secondly, discredit the autocracy in the eyes of the world community. The confrontation was critical when both sides of the conflict began to resort to the method of pogroms provocation. If anti-government groups used this method at the beginning of the revolutionary events, the Russian authorities turned to the corresponding «services» of the monarchists and the Russian citizens loyal to the regime at the final stage of the revolution when the government demanded more determination in its suppression. The author believes that the First Russian Revolution failed to solve the Jewish question. Accordingly, Russian Jewry again turned into a hostage in the confrontation of the autocracy with the opposition political groups, and the territory of the Jewish Pale of Settlement remained a human capacity and source of energy in the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in subsequent years as well, because if the autocracy succeeded in breaking out the victory of the hands of Jewish revolutionaries in 1905 – 1907, it was only at the cost of victims of their own citizens. Keywords: Jewish pogroms 1905 ‒ 1907, First Russian Revolution, Bund, Jewish self-defence, Russianempire

THE SARATOV VOLGA REGION AND THE FAR EAST: THREE CENTURIES OF RELATIONS

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3/1) ◽  
pp. 93-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. G. PETROVICH ◽  
S. I. SAMSONOV
Keyword(s):  
Far East ◽  
Main Tool ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Volga Region ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Far East ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Far Eastern

The article deals with the dynamics of the development of the Far  East with the help of labor migration in the period from the 1860s to  the present day. The authors analyze the intensity of migration  flows, the reasons for their decline or increase, talk about new settlements founded by immigrants from the Saratov Volga  region in the Amur and Primorye regions of the Russian Empire, and  trace the fate of these settlements to this day. The authors identify  the reasons for the lack of support for the resettlement movement in the Russian Empire by the state until the beginning of the  twentieth century, and the reasons that prompted  the government  to develop an effective resettlement program since 1906. Attention  is paid to the participation of Saratov in the Russian-Japanese war in  the Far East. The extensive statistical material contained in the  official publications following the results of the all-Russian population censuses of 1897, 2002 and 2010 is used. Internet sources,  websites of public organizations, official state bodies, mass media  are attracted. The migration policy of P.A. Stolypin, Prime Minister of  Imperial Russia and former Saratov Governor- General is analyzed.  In comparison with it, the project "far Eastern hectare" is  considered, which the modern Russian government considers as the  main tool for the inflow of population to the vast far Eastern territories. The authors prove the ineffectiveness of the  project due to the small amount of allocated land, their unsuitability  for agriculture or other socially significant activities, remoteness  from communications, the lack of benefits for immigrants on such a scale as it was a century ago. The conclusion to which the  researchers come: only taking into account the experience of  generations of Russians in the development of the Far East, the  traditional connection of the regions of Russia, proved by the  example of the Saratov  Volga region, providing immigrants with all  the necessary and benefits no worse than a century ago, it is  possible to ensure the priority development of the Far East.

scholarly journals Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
Political Terrorism ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.

scholarly journals THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Procedure

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.

FOUNDER OF BESLAN CITY – BESLAN TULATOV

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
И.Т. Марзоев
Keyword(s):  
Land Ownership ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Xixth Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Privileged Class ◽  
North Ossetia

The process of integration of the Caucasian peoples into a single Russian judicial-administrative and socio-economic system of statehood was one of the most relevant in the Russian Empire in the first half and middle of the XIXth century. For its implementation, the government of the state was undertaking both administrative, socio-cultural and economic measures. An importantcomponent of this process was the sphere of economical and rational land use. Mountain feudal lords were endowed with land ownership on the foothill plain. In the first half of the XIXth century, many Ossetian feudal lords with their relatives and subservient peasants began to move from the mountains to the flat lands allocated to them by the Russian administration in the Caucasus. The formation of one of the large Ossetian villages on the plain is associated with the name of the Tagaur Aldar, Lieutenant Beslan-Hadji Surkhaovich Tulatov (17931864).This study examines the pedigree of Beslan Tulatov, who came from the privileged class of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia - the Tagaur Aldar. His fate is inextricably linked with the Russian army. For his courage, zeal and participation in various kinds of expeditions, he was awarded several orders and medals, and in 1834 promoted to ensign, which gave him the rights of a hereditary nobleman. The data on the service and merits to the Russian government of other representatives of this branch of the Tulatovs family is also given. Particular attention is paid to marriages concluded by the Tulatovs with the Ossetian and Kabardian aristocracy.The materials of the article significantly supplement the history of North Ossetia in the first half of the XIXth century, and also contribute to deeper and more updated study of the genealogy of the privileged stratum of the Tagaur Society of North Ossetia of the Tagaur Aldars.

scholarly journals Ukrainian Old Believers and Russian Government (the end of the XVIII - the beginning of the twentieth century).

10.33287/1192 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
O. В. Мірошниченко
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Old Believers ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Church

The paper is devoted to the main stages of the legal status the Old Believers in Ukraine, in particular in the Katerinoslav’s region. The main reason for the appearance of them is the settlement of new, annexed lands to the Russian Empire. As you know, the Old Believers appear after the reform of the church, which was conducted by Patriarch Nikon. Since its inception and for more than one century, the Old Believers have been a “disagreeable” mass of the population of the Russian Empire, with which both the government and the dominant church have fought. As the history of oppression, persecution, and conclusion did not yield the expected results: the Old Believers continued to practice the old faith. The paper describes the time of the XVIII-XIX centuries. In the XVIII century the territory of the Katerinoslav’s Governorate was settled by Old Believers and they influenced the other national and religious communities of the province. Relations between Old Believers and the authority was very tense and inconstant. For two centuries, there has been a warming of relations, to a noticeable confrontation on the part of officials. The authorities were not consistent in their actions towards the Old Believers, each of the rulers had their own plans and thoughts about the Old Believers. But they all tried to quickly eliminate the manifestations of a split in society by all available methods. A certain liberalization came during the reign of Catherine II, but with the accession to the throne of Nicholas I, the loyalty to the Old Believers ended. The repressive policy of the government regarding the followers of the old faith were suspended for Alexander II, and it was only in 1905 the Old Believers gained religious freedom.

scholarly journals Akaki Tsereteli’s unknown letter about repressions of year 1906

enadakultura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nana Pruidze
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Interesting Observation ◽  
National Autonomy ◽  
Reasonable Suspicion ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
Private Collections

Part of Akaki Tsereteli’s creative legacy is still spread in different foundations or private collections. Difficulty about finding these writings is that some documents in various binders do not have description. Currently foundations are intensively being studied in order to create digital catalogues and whenever this process is finished, many interesting documents will be displayed. “Burning down Imereti during movement” is one of Akaki’s public letters which remained unknown until today. It will be published after 115 years in corresponding value of the writer's new academic publication of his works. Manuscript is being held at Kutaisi’s historic museum.“Burning down Imereti during movement” is about revolutionary movements and its echoes in Georgia, which took place in the years 1905-1907. On the one hand it is a bold protest against King’s cruel policy; Also, the article contains Akaki Tsereteli’s especially significant observations and thoughts about ongoing political processes.In the first paragraph of the article there is a very interesting observation of the author. According to his words, the Russian empire from the very beginning intended absolute occupation and annexation of Georgia. According to that, the friendly condition which led King Irakli of Kartli-Kakheti to let Russians in our country without war and blood, was definitely going to break. Akaki thought that everything that was done by Russian governance in our country, was provocative and its goal was to drag Georgian people into armed conflict.Events occurred in 1905 led to logical conclusions. Georgian nobles decided to officially demand national autonomy. On their emergency gathering they created an appropriate document and presented it to the emperor. Surely, the empire would not let Georgia restore their autonomy. They needed a reason to finally destroy us and the reason found out to be that revolutionary movement which was widespread not only in Russia, but also its subordinate countries including Georgia.According to Akaki Tsereteli, a significant part of society was against Georgia’s partaking in revolt from the beginning. They had reasonable suspicion that if the revolutionary movement would be defeated, this would totally change the perspective of Georgian-Russian relationship. Unfortunately, following events proved the correctness of this assumption - Georgians were pled guilty for separatism and it led to very brutal repressions. The events that occurred in Georgia were outrageous for Akaki. That is why he makes fun of Russia in his article and boldly declares that the decision of the government - campaigning against unarmed and helpless people, is worthless and unseemly.

scholarly journals Рeculiarities of the Рolitical and Legal Situation of the Jews during the Great Reforms in the Russian Empire

2018 ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
O. Bezarov
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Russian Jews ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time

In the article it is researched that the policy of modernization of social and economic life in the Russian Empire, conducted by the government of Alexander II, since the end of the 1850s, created realprerequisites for emancipation of the Russian Jews, certain categories of which could feel full-fledged subjects of the Russian monarchy for the first time already in the 1870s. However, as a result of theprejudiced attitude towards the Jews on the part of the autocracy, the policy of emancipating the Jews turned out to be incomplete, and their legal status was uncertain. Nevertheless, the unique situation in which, for example, the Bukharian Jews managed to obtain civil rights and freedoms from the Russian government, pointed to the ambiguity of political approaches to the settlement of the Jewish issue inthe Russian Empire. The criterion of political loyalty of Russian Jews determined their future legal status in the empire.

The October 1905 pogroms and the Russian authorities

2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 788-803 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Khiterer
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Considerable Evidence ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

This article analyzes the October 1905 pogroms in the Russian Empire. It explores the reasons for the pogroms, the perpetrators, the victims, and the consequences for the Jewish population. The article shows the differences and peculiarities of the pogroms, which occurred in the cities and shtetls, rural areas, on the railroads, and in the ports. The article also explores the attitude and involvement of the higher and local authorities, police, and troops in the pogroms. Historians continue to debate whether these pogroms occurred spontaneously or were organized by the Tsarist authorities. This article provides considerable evidence that the October 1905 pogroms were not a spontaneous reaction of conservatives to the revolutionary events, but rather was the policy of the Russian government directed toward the suppression of the revolutionary movement.

Reasons for the Onset of the Uniat Clergy’s Movement Towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the Beginning of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Latin Church ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Church Service ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.

CIVIL GOVERNOR M.M. OREUS IN THE SERVICE IN THE VYBORG (FINLAND) PROVINCE IN 1799–1804

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
T.V. BOGDANOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Management Problem ◽  
Effective Mechanism ◽  
Important Condition ◽  
Emergency Situations ◽  
Effective Selection ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Selection Of

The purpose of the article is to review the activities of the civil governor M.M. Oreus in the service in the Vyborg (Finland) province in 1799–1804. The guarantee of an effective mechanism of admin-istration creation as for over than 200-year period of the Russian Empire existence, as for modern conditions, it was and still is the effectiveness of the government policy on the ground. Based on this key task, the most important condition for its implementation at different stages of the development of the country was the effective selection of personnel for the post of a governor. It was the governor responsible for everything happened in his province, and the government expected him to under-stand the tasks assigned to him and take definite steps to solve them. The urgent management problem in these conditions was the strength of administrative resources capable of retaining their effective power in cases of emerging extraordinary situations, including which, will be discussed in this article. Emergency situations in the border areas occurred regularly and required the ob-servance of certain administrative traditions that influenced the success of the governor's initiatives in state tasks implementation. It will be all the more important to consider the history of the life and activities of one of the governors of the Finland (Vyborg) province, Maxim Maksimovich Oreus, who was at the head of this territory from December 14, 1799 to April 9, 1804.

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